X 

I 


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13(3/. 


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JAICES    GKAHAM.MARQUrS    OF  MONTROSE. 


HISTORY   OF     .^COTX.AIfI]). 


VOli  ,  I 


FM JSr  T1B]D  J^-O^iL  T¥  M  J3  X^itL  ©IK  §  S , 


IBW 


TALES 

OF 

A  GRANDFATHER, 

BEING 

STORIES 

TAKEN    FROM 

SCOTTISH    HISTORY. 

HUMBLY  INSCRIBED 
TO 

HUGH  LITTLEJOHN,  Es^. 

IN    TWO    VOLS. 

VOL.  I. 


BY  SIR  WALTER  SCOTT, 

AUTHOR  OP  "  WAVERLEY,"  &C.  &C. 


PUBLISHED  BY  J.  &  B.  WILLIAMS. 
1833. 


DEDICATION. 


TO 


HUGH  I.ITTI.EJOHJV,  ES^. 

My  dear  Child, 

I  NOW  address  to  you  two  volumes  of 
Scottish  Stories,  v/liich  brings  down  the  His- 
tory of  that  Country,  from  the  period  when 
England  and  Scotland  became  subject  to  the 
same  King,  until  that  of  the  Union,  when  they 
were  finally  united  mto  one  Kingdom.  That 
you,  and  children  of  your  age,  may  read  these 
little  books  with  pleasure  and  improvement,  is 
the  desire  and  hope  of. 

My  dearest  Child, 
Your  very  affectionate  Grandfather, 
WALTER  SCOTT. 

AUotsford,  15iA  October,  1828. 


*^  -JL.  -*^  v_*     -iJ 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
Dedication^ 3 

CHAP.  I. 
Progress  of  Civilization  in  Society,      -         -         -         9 

CHAP,  H. 

Infirmities  and  ill  tempei  of  Elizabeth  in  her  latter 
years — Accession  of  James  VI.  acceptable  on  that 
account  to  the  English — Resort  of  Scotsmen  to  the 
Court  at  London — Quarrels  between  them  and  the 
English — Duelling — Duel  of  Stewart  and  Whar- 
ton— Attempt  by  Sir  Jolin  Ayros  to  assassinate 
Lord  Herbert — Murder  of  Turner,  a  Fencing- 
Master,  by  two  Pages  of  Lord  Sanquhar,  and 
Execution  of  the  three  Murderers — Statute  against 
Stabbing, 29 

CHAP.  HL 

Attempt  of  James  to  reduce  the  Institutions  of  Scot- 
land to  a  state  of  Uniformity  with  those  of  Eng- 
land— Commissioners  appointed  to  effect  this — the 
Project  fails — Distinctions  between  the  Forms  of 
Church  Government  in  the  two  Countries — Intro- 
duction of  Episcopacy  into  the  Scottish  Church — 
Five  Articles  of  Perth — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Peo- 
ple with  these  Innovations,      -         -         -         -         51 

CHAP.  IV. 

Disorderly    State    of    the     Borders — Characteristic 
Example  of  Border  Match-making — Deadly  Feud 
between  the  Maxwells  and  Johnstones — Battle  of 
1* 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
DryfFe  Sands — James's  power  of  enforcing  the 
Laws  increased  after  his  accession  to  the  English 
Throne — Measures  for  restraining  the  Border 
Marauders — The  Clan  Graham  removed  from  the 
Debateable  Land  to  Ulster  in  Ireland — Levies  of 
Soldiers  to  serve  i)i  Foreign  Parts — Mutual  Bonds 
among  the  Chiefs  for  the  Preservation  of  good 
order — Severe  Prosecution  of  offenders — The 
Town  of  Bervi'ick-upon-Tweed  an  Independent 
Jurisdiction, 06 

CHAP.  V. 

Wild  state  of  the  Western  Lslands — Suffocation  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  Eigg,  by  filling  a  cave,  in 
which  they  had  concealed  themselves,  with 
smoke — Story  of  Ailan-a-Sop — Dreadful  Death 
by  Thirst — Massacre  of  Lovvlanders,  who  had 
made  a  Settlement  in  Lewis  and  Harris — The 
whole  Western  Isles,  excepting  Skye  and  Lev/is, 
offered  for  SOOI.  to  the  Marqiiis  of  Huntly,  who 
refuses  to  purchase  them  at  that  sum,      •         -         81 

CHAP.  VI. 
Contempt  of  the  Highlanders  for  the  Arts  of  Peace  — 
Story  of  Donald  of  the  Hammer — Execution  of 
the  Laird  of  Macintosh  by  order  of  the  Marchion- 
ess of  Huntly — Massacre  of  the  Farquharsons — 
Race  of  the  Trough — Execution  of  the  Earl  of 
Orkney, 97 

CHAP.  VII. 

Injurious  Effects  to  Scotland  of  the  Removal  of  the 
Court  to  London — Numerous  Scotsmen  employed 
in  Foreign  Military  Service — and  as  Travelling 
Merchants,  or  Packmen,  in  Germany — Exertions 
of  the  Presbyterian  Clergy  to  put  an  end  to  Fa- 
mily Feuds,  and  to  extend  Education — Establish- 
ment, by  their  means,  of  Parochial  Schools — James 
VI.'s  Visit  to  Scotland  in  1017— his  Death— his 
Children, 115 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
CHAP.  VTII. 
Discontents  excited  during  James's  Reign — in- 
creased under  Charles — Introduction  of  the  Eng- 
lish Liturgy  into  the  Scottish  Church — National 
Covenant — The  Scottish  Army  enters  England — 
Concessions  of  the  King  to  the  Long  Parliament, 
upon  which  the  Scottish  Army  returns  home — 
Charles  visits  Scotland,  and  gains  over  the  Mar- 
quis of  Montrose  to  the  Royal  Cause — The  Two 
Parties  of  Cavaliers  and  Roundheads — Arrest  of 
the  Five  Members  of  the  House  of  Commons — 
Civil  War  in  England, 128 

CHAP.  IX. 
A  Scottish  Army  sent  to  assist  that  of  the  English 
Parliament — Montrose  takes  advantage  of  their 
Absence,  and,  being  joined  by  a  Body  of  Irishmen, 
raises  the  Royal  Standard  in  Scotland — Battle  of 
Tippermuir,  and  Surrender  of  Perth — Affair  at 
the  Bridge  of  Dee,  and  Sack  of  Perth — Close  of 
the  Campaign,         ......       158 

CHAP.  X. 

Invasion  of  Argyle's  Country  by  Montrose — Battles 
of  Inverlochy,  Aulderne,  Alford,  and  Kilsyth, 
gained  by  Montrose,  who,  by  the  Victory  at  Kil- 
Bjth,  becomes  Master  of  Scotland — He  is  appoint- 
ed Captain-General  and  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Scotland — marches  upon  the  Borders — is  defeated 
by  Lesley  at  Philiphaugh — retires  to  the  High- 
lands, and  leaves  Scotland,      ....       180 

CHAP.  XI. 

Interference  of  the  Presbyterian  Clergy  to  procure 
the  Execution  of  the  Prisoners  taken  at  Philip- 
haugh— Reflections  on  the  Unhappy  Effects  of 
Religious  Persecution — Respective  Views  of  the 
Independents  and  Presbyterians — Cromwell's  Suc- 
cess— King  Charles's  Surrender  to  the  Scottish 
Army — Their  Surrender  of  him  to  the  English 
Parliament, 201 


Vlll  (ONTKNTS. 

Page 
CHAP.  XII. 

The  King  taken  Prisoner  by  the  English  Army  and 
placed  in  the  Palace  of  Hampton  Court — His  Es- 
cape to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  Imprisonment  in 
Carisbrook  Castle — Treaty  with  the  Scots,  known 
by  the  name  of  The  Enoagement — The  Engagers 
enter  England  with  an  Army,  and  are  Defeated — 
High  Court  of  Justice  appointed  to  try  the  King — 
the  Trial — Execution  of  Charles  I.  -         -      224 

CHAP.  XIII. 
Montrose  makes  a  Descent  upon  the  Highlands,  is 
taken  Prisoner,  and  Executed — Charles  II.  being 
declared  King,  arrives  in  Scotland — Cromwell's 
Invasion  of  Scotland — Battle  of  Dunbar — Corona- 
tion of  Charles  II. — He  takes  the  Command  of 
the  Army,  marches  into  England,  is  Defeated  at 
Worcester,  and  Escapes  abroad — War  in  Scotland 
under  General  Monk — Cromwell  makes  himself 
Lord  Protector  of  the  Republics  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland — Glencairn"^  Rising — Exploits  of 
Evan  Dhu,  of  Lochiel,  Chief  of  the  Camerons,      244 

CHAP.  XIV. 
Administration  of  Public  .Tustice  in  Scotland,  under 
Cromwell — Heavy     Taxes     imposed    by     him — 
Church  AfFairs-^Resolutionists   and   Remonstra- 
tors— Trials  for  Witchcraft,  -        -         -        290 

CHAP.  XV. 

Cromwell's  System  of  Government — his  Death — 
Richard  Cromwell's  Ascension  to  the  Protectorate, 
and  Retirement  from  it — Anecdotes  of  him — Ge- 
neral Monk's  Advance  to  London — Dissolution  of 
the  Long  Parliament — Sir  John  Grenville's  Inter- 
view with  Monk,  and  Proposal  for  the  Recall  of 
the  Exiled  Stewarts — The  Restoration — Arrival 
of  Charles  II.  at  Dover,         -         -         -         -        310 


TALES  OF  A  GRANDFATHER, 

SECOND    SERIES. 


CHAP.   I. 

Progress  of  Civilization  in  Society. 

The  kind  reception  which  the  former  Tales, 
written  for  your  amusement  and  edification, 
have  met  with,  induces  me,  my  dear  little  boy, 
to  make  an  attempt  to  bring  down  my  histori-  ' 
cal  narrative  to  a  period,  when  the  union  of 
England  and  Scotland  became  as  complete,  in 
the  intimacy  of  feelings  and  interests,  as  law 
had  declared  and  intended  them  to  be,  and  as 
the  mutual  advantage  of  both  countries  had 
long,  though  in  vain,  required. 

We  left  off,  you  may  recollect,  when  James, 
the  sixth  of  that  name  who  reigned  in  Scotland, 
succeeded,  by  the  death  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
to  the  throne  of  England,  and  thus  became 
Sovereign  of  the  whole  Island  of  Britain.  Ire- 
land also  belonged  to  his  dominions,  having 
been  partly  subdued  by  the  arms  of  the  English, 
and  partly  surrendered  to  them  by  the  submis- 
sion of  the  natives.     There  had  been,    during 


10  PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 


Elizabeth's  time,  many  wars  with  the  native 
Lords  and  Chiefs  of  the  country ;  but  the 
EngUsh  finally  obtained  the  undisturbed  and 
undisputed  possession  of  that  rich  and  beautiful 
island. 

Thus  the  three  kingdoms,  formed  by  the  Bri- 
tannic Islands,  came  into  the  possession  of  one 
Sovereign,  who  was  thus  fixed  in  a  situation  of 
strength  and  security,  which  was  at  that  time 
the  lot  of  few  monarchs  in  Europe. 

King  James's  power  was  the  greater,  that 
the  progress  of  human  society  had  greatly  aug- 
mented the  wisdom  of  his  statesmen  and  coun- 
sellors, and  given  strength  and  stability  to  those 
laws  which  preserve  the  poor  and  helpless 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  wealthy  and 
the  powerful. 

But  Master  Littlejohn  may  ask  me  what  I 
mean  by  the  Progress  of  Human  Society;  and 
it  is  my  duty  to  explain  it  as  intelligibly  as 
I  can. 

If  you  consider  the  lower  order  of  animals, 
such  as  birds,  dogs,  cattle,  or  any  class  of  the 
brute  creation,  you  will  find  that  they  are,  to 
every  useful  purpose,  deprived  of  the  means  of 
communicating  their  ideas  to  each  other.  They 
have  cries  indeed,  by  which  they  express  plea- 
sure or  pain — fear  or  hope — but  they  have  no 
formed  speech  by  which,  like  men,  they  can 
converse  together.  God  Almighty,  who  called 
all  creatures  into  existence  in  such  manner  as 
best  pleased  him,  has  imparted  to  those  inferior 
animals  no  power  of  improving  their  situation, 
or  of  commmunicating  with  each  other. 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  H 

There  is,  no  doubt,  a  difference  in  the  capa- 
city of  these  inferior  classes  of  creation.  But 
though  one  bird  may  build  her  nest  more  neat- 
ly than  one  of  a  different  class,  or  one  dog  may 
be  more  clever  and  more  capable  of  learning 
tricks  than  another,  yet,  as  it  v/ants  langiiage 
to  explain  to  its  comrades  the  advantages  which 
it  may  possess,  its  knowledge  dies  with  it;  thus 
birds  and  dogs  continue  to  use  the  same  general 
habits  proper  to  the  species,  which  they  have 
done  since  the  creation  of  the  world.  In  other 
words,  animals  have  a  certain  degree  of  sense 
which  is  termed  instinct,  which  teaches  them  to 
seek  their  food,  and  provide  for  their  safety  and 
comfort,  in  nearly  the  same  manner  as  their 
parents  did  before  them  since  the  beginning  of 
time,  but  does  not  enable  them  to  communicate 
to  their  successors  any  improvements,  or  to 
derive  any  increase  of  knowledge.  Thus  you 
may  remark,  that  the  example  of  the  swallow, 
the  wren,  and  other  birds,  which  cover  their 
nests  with  a  roof  to  protect  them  against  the 
rain,  is  never  imitated  by  other  classes,  who 
.have  continued  to  construct  theirs  in  the  same 
exposed  and  imperfect  manner  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  world. 

Another  circumstance,  which  is  calculated  to 
prevent  the  inferior  animals  from  rising  above 
the  rank  which  they  are  designed  to  hold,  is 
the  short  time  during  which  they  remain  under 
the  care  of  their  parents.  A  few  weeks  gives 
the  young  nestlings  of  every  season,  strength 
and  inclination  to  leave  the  protection  of  the 
parents  ;  the  tender  attachment  which  has  sub- 


12  PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 

sisted  while  the  young  bird  was  unable  to  pro- 
vide for  itself  without  assistance  is  entirely 
broken  off,  and  in  a  week  or  two  more  they 
probably  do  not  know  each  other. 

The  young  of  the  sheep,  the  cow,  and  the 
horse,  attend  and  feed  by  the  mother's  side  for 
a  certain  short  period,  during  which  they  are 
protected  by  her  care,  and  supported  by  her 
milk ;  but  they  have  no  sooner  attained  the 
strength  necessary  to  defend  themselves,  and 
the  sense  to  provide  for  their  wants,  than  they 
separate  from  the  mother,  and  all  intercourse 
between  the  parent  and  her  offspring  is  closed 
for  ever. 

Thus  each  separate  tribe  of  animals  retains 
exactly  the  same  station  in  the  general  order 
of  the  universe  which  was  occupied  by  its  pre- 
decessors ;  and  no  existing  generation  either 
is,  or  can  be,  either  much  better  instructed,  or 
more  ignorant,  than  that  which  preceded  or 
that  which  is  to  come  after  it. 

It  is  widely  different  with  mankind.  God,  as 
we  are  told  in  Scripture,  was  pleased  to  make 
man  after  his  own  image.  By  this  you  are  not 
to  understand  that  the  Creator  of  heaven  and 
earth  has  any  visible  form  or  shape,  to  which 
the  human  body  bears  a  resemblance ;  but  the 
meaning  is,  that  as  the  God  who  created  the 
world  is  a  spirit  invisible  and  incomprehensible, 
so  he  joined  to  the  human  frame  some  portion 
of  an  essence  resembling  his  own,  which  is  call- 
ed the  human  soul,  and  which,  while  the  body 
lives,  continues  to  animate  and  direct  its  mo- 
tions, and  on  the  dissolution  of  the  bodily  form 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION'.  13 

which  it  has  occupied,  returns  to  the  spiritual 
world,  to  be  answerable  for  the  good  and  evil 
of  its  works  upon  earth. 

It  is  therefore  impossible,  that  man,  possess- 
ing this  knowledge  of  right  and  wrong,  proper 
to  a  spiritual  essence  resembling  those  higher 
orders  of  creation  whom  we  call  angels,  and 
having  some  affinity,  though  at  an  incalculable 
distance,  to  the  essence  of  the  Deity  himself, 
should  have  been  placed  under  the  same  limita- 
tions in  point  of  progressive  improvement  with 
the  inferior  tribes,  who  are  neither  responsible 
for  the  actions  which  they  perform  under  direc- 
tion of  their  instinct,  nor  capable,  by  any  exer- 
tion of  their  own,  of  altering  or  improving 
their  condition  in  the  scale  of  creation.  So  far  is 
this  from  being  the  case  with  man,  that  the  bodily 
organs  of  the  human  frame  bear  such  a  corres- 
pondence with  the  properties  of  his  soul  as  to 
give  him  the  means,  when  they  are  properly 
used,  of  enlarging  his  powers,  and  becoming 
wiser  and  more  skilful  from  hour  to  hour,  as 
long  as  his  life  permits ;  and  not  only  is  this  the 
case,  but  tribes  and  nations  of  men,  assembled 
together  for  the  purpose  of  mutual  protection 
and  defence,  have  the  same  power  of  alteration 
and  improvement,  and  may,  if  circumstances  are 
favourable,  go  on  by  gradual  steps  from  being 
a  wild  horde  of  naked  barbarians  till  they  be- 
come a  powerful  and  civilized  people. 

The  capacity  of  amending  our  condition  by 
increase  of  knowledge,  which,  in  fact,  affords 
the  means  by  which  man  rises  to  be  the  lord  of 
creation,  is  grounded  on  the  human  race  pos- 

VOL    I.  2 


11 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATIOX. 


sessing  those  advantages  which  he  alone  enjoys. 
Let  us  look  somewhat  closely  mto  this,  my  dear 
boy,  for  it  involves  some  truths  equally  curious 
and  important. 

If  man,  though  possessed  of  the  same  immor 
tal  essence  or  soul,  which  enables  him  to  choose 
and  refuse,  to  judge  and  condemn,  to  reason 
and  conclude,  were  to  be  void  of  the  power  of 
communicating  the  conclusions  to  which  his 
reasoning  had  conducted  him,  it  is  clear  that 
the  progress  of  each  individual  in  knoAvledge, 
could  be  only  in  proportion  to  his  own  observa- 
tion and  his  own  powers  of  reasoning. 

But  the  gift  of  speech  enables  any  one  to 
communicate  to  others  whatever  idea  of  im- 
provement occurs  to  him,  which,  instead  of 
dying  in  the  bosom  of  the  individual  by  whom 
it  was  first  thought  of,  becomes  a  part  of  the 
stock  of  knowledge  proper  to  the  whole  com- 
munity, which  is  increased  and  rendered  gene- 
rally and  effectually  useful  by  the  accession  of 
further  information,  as  opportunities  occur,  or 
men  of  reflecting  and  inventive  minds  arise  in 
the  state.  This  use  of  spoken  language,  there- 
fore, which  so  gloriously  distinguishes  man 
from  the  beasts  that  perish,  is  the  primary 
means  of  introducing  and  increasing  knowledge 
in  infant  communities. 

Another  early  cause  of  the  improvement  of 
human  society  is  the  incapacity  of  children  to 
act  for  themselves,  rendering  the  attention  and 
protection  of  parents  to  their  ofispring  neces- 
sary for  so  long  a  period.  Even  where  the  food 
which    the    earth   affords  without  cultivation. 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  15 

such  as  fruits  and  herbs,  is  most  plentifully 
supplied,  children  remain  too  helpless  for  many 
years  to  be  capable  of  gathering  it,  and  provid- 
ing for  their  own  support.  This  is  still  more 
the  case  where  food  has  to  be  procured  by  hunt- 
ing, fishing,  or  cultivating  the  soil,  occupations 
requiring  a  degree  of  skill  and  personal  strength, 
which  children  cannot  possess  until  they  are 
twelve  or  fourteen  years  old. 

It  follows,  as  a  law  of  nature,  that  instead  of 
leaving  their  parents  at  an  early  age,  like  the 
young  birds  or  quadrupeds,  the  youth  of  the 
human  species  necessarily  remain  under  the 
protection  of  their  father  and  mother  for  many 
years,  during  which  they  acquire  all  the  know- 
ledge the  parents  have  to  teach.  It  arises  also 
from  this  wise  arrangement,  that  the  love  and 
affection  between  the  offspring  and  the  parents, 
which  am^ong  the  brute  creation  is  the  produce 
of  mere  instinct,  and  continues  for  a  very  short 
time,  becomes  in  the  human  raqe  a  deep  and 
permanent  feeling,  founded  on  the  attachment 
of  the  parents,  the  gratitude  of  the  children,  and 
the  eflect  of  long  habit  on  both. 

For  these  reasons,  it  usually  happens,  that 
children  feel  no  desire  to  desert  their  parents, 
but  remain  inhabitants  of  the  same  huts  in  which 
they  were  born,  and  take  up  the  task  of  labour- 
ing for  subsistence  in  their  turn.  One  or  two 
such  families  gradually  unite  together,  and 
avail  themselves  of  each  otlier's  company  for 
mutual  defence  and  assistance.  This  is  the 
earliest  stage  of  human  society,  and  some  sa- 
ILages  have  been  found  in  this  condition  so  very 


10  PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 

rude  and  ignorant,  that  they  may  be  said  to  be 
little  Aviser  or  better  than  a  herd  of  animals. 

The  natives  of  New  South  Wales,  for  exam- 
ple, are,  even  at  present,  in  the  very  lowest 
scale  of  humanity,  and  ignorant  of  every  art 
which  can  add  comfort  or  decency  to  human 
life.  These  unfortunate  savages  use  no  clothes, 
construct  no  cabins  or  huts,  and  are  ignorant 
even  of  the  manner  of  chasing  animals  or  catch- 
ing fish,  unless  such  of  the  latter  as  are  left  by 
the  tide,  or  which  are  found  on  the  rocks  ;  they 
feed  upon  the  most  disgusting  substances, 
snakes,  worms,  maggots,  and  whatever  trash 
falls  in  their  way.  They  know  indeed  how  to 
kindle  a  fire — in  that  respect  only  they  have 
stepped  beyond  the  deepest  ignorance  to  which 
man  can  be  subjected — but  they  have  not  learn- 
ed how  to  boil  water ;  and  when  they  see  Eu- 
ropeans perform  this  ordinary  operation,  they 
have  been  known  to  run  away  in  great  terror. 
Voyagers  tell  us  of  other  savages  who  do  not 
even  know  the  use  of  fire,  and  who  maintain  a 
miserable  existence  by  subsisting  on  shell-fish 
eaten  raw. 

And  yet,  my  dear  boy,  out  of  this  miserable 
and  degraded  state,  which  seems  worse  than 
that  of  the  animals,  man  has  the  means  and 
power  to  rise  into  the  high  place  for  which  Pro- 
vidence hath  destined  him.  In  proportion 
as  opportunities  occur,  these  savage  tribes  ac- 
quire the  arts  of  civilized  life  ;  they  construct 
huts  to  shelter  them  against  the  weather  ;  they 
invent  arms  for  destroying  the  wild  beasts  by 
which  they  are  annoyed,  and  for  kilMntr  thos«» 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  17 

whose  flesh  is  adapted  for  food  ;  and  they  plant 
fruit-trees  and  sow  grain  as  soon  as  they  disco- 
ver that  the  productions  of  nature  most  neces- 
sary for  their  comfort  may  be  increased  by  la- 
bour and  industry. 

Thus,  the  progress  of  human  society,  unless  it  is 
interrupted  by  some  unfortunate  circumstances, 
continues  to  advance,  and  every  new  genera- 
tion, without  losing  any  of  the  advantages  al- 
ready attained,  goes  on  to  acquire  others  which 
were  unknown  to  the  preceding  one. 

For  instance,  when  three  or  four  wandering 
families  of  savages  have  settled  in  one  place, 
and  begun  to  cultivate  the  ground,  and  collect 
their  huts  into  a  hamlet  or  village,  they  usually 
agree  in  choosing  sorrie  chief  to  be  their  judge 
and  the  arbiter  of  their  disputes  in  time  of  peace, 
their  leader  and  captain  when  they  go  to  war 
with  other  tribes.  This  is  the  foundation  of  a 
monarchial  government.  Or,  perhaps,  their 
public  affairs  are  directed  by  a  council  or  se- 
nate, of  the  oldest  and  wisest  of  the  tribe — this 
is  the  origin  of  a  republican  state.  At  all  events, 
in  one  w^ay  or  other,  they  put  themselves  under 
something  resembling  a  regular  government, 
and  obtain  the  protection  of  such  laws  as 
may  prevent  them  from  quarrelling  with  one 
another. 

Other  important  alterations  are  introduced 
by  time.  At  first,  no  doubt,  the  members  of 
the  community  store  their  fruits  and  the  pro- 
duce of  the  chase  in  common.  But  shortly  af- 
ter, reason  teaches  them  that  the  individual  who 
has  bestowed  labour  and  trouble  upon  any 
2* 


l!!^  PKOCKESS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 

thing  SO  as  to  render  it  productive,  acquires  a 
right  of  property,  as  it  is  called,  in  the  produce, 
which  his  eflbrts  have  in  a  manner  called  into 
existence.  Thus,  it  is  soon  acknowledged,  that 
he  who  has  planted  a  tree  has  the  sole  right  of 
consuming  its  fruit ;  and  that  he  who  has  sown 
a  lield  of  corn  has  the  exclusive  title  to  gather 
in  the  grain.  Without  the  labour  of  the  planter 
and  husbandman,  there  would  have  been  no  ap- 
ples or  wheat,  and  therefore  these  are  justly- 
entitled  to  the  fruit  of  their  labour. 

In  like  manner,  the  state  itself  is  conceived 
to  acquire  a  right  of  property  in  the  fields  cul- 
tivated by  its  members,  and  in  the  forests  where 
they  have  of  old  practised  the  rights  of  hunting 
and  fishing.  If  men  of  a  different  tribe  enter 
on  the  territory  of  a  neighbouring  nation,  war 
ensues  between  them,  and  peace  is  made  by 
agreeing  on  both  sides  to  reasonable  conditions. 
Thus  a  young  state  extends  its  possessions;  and 
by  its  communications  with  other  tribes  lays 
the  foundation  of  public  laws  for  the  regulation 
of  their  behaviour  to  each  other  in  peace  and 
in  war. 

Other  arrangements  no  less  important  are 
produced,  tending  to  increase  the  difference  be- 
tween mankind  in  their  wild  and  original  state, 
and  that  which  they  assume  in  the  progress  of 
civilization.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  is  the 
se[)aration  of  the  citizens  into  different  classes 
of  society,  and  the  introduction  of  the  use  of 
money.  I  will  try  to  render  these  great  changes 
intelUgible  to  you. 

in  the  earlier  stages  of  society,  every  member 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  19 

of  the  community  may  be  said  to  supply  all  his 
wants  by  his  own  personal  labour.  He  acquires 
his  food  by  the  chase — he  sows  and  reaps  his 
own  grain — lie  gathers  his  own  fruit — he  cuts 
the  skin  which  forms  his  dress  so  as  to  fit  his 
own  person — he  makes  the  sandals  or  buskins 
which  protect  his  feet.  He  is,  therefore,  better 
or  worse  accommodated  exactly  in  proportion 
to  the  personal  skill  and  industry  which  he  can 
apply  to  that  purpose. 

But  it  is  discovered,  in  process  of  time,  that 
one  man  has  particular  dexterity  in  hunting,  be- 
ing, we  shall  suppose,  young,  active,  and  enter- 
prising; another,  older  and  of  a  more  staid  cha- 
racter, has  peculiar  skill  in  tilling  the  ground, 
or  in  managing  cattle  and  flocks  ;  a  third,  lame 
perhaps,  or  infirm,  has  a  happy  talent  for  cutting 
out  and  stitching  together  garments,  or  for 
shaping  and  sewing  such  shoes  as  are  worn.  It 
becomes,  therefore,  for  the  advantage  of  all, 
that  the  first  shall  attend  to  nothing  but  hunt- 
ing, the  second  confine  himself  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  land,  and  the  third  remain  at  home 
to  make  clothes  and  shoes. 

But  then  it  follows,  as  a  necessary  conse- 
quence, that  the  huntsman  must  give  to  the  man 
who  cultivates  the  land  a  part  of  his  venison 
and  skins,  if  he  desires  to  have  grain  of  which 
to  make  bread,  or  a  cow  to  furnish  his  family 
with  milk ;  and  tliat  both  the  hunter  and  the 
agriculturist  must  give  a  share  of  the  produce 
of  the  chase,  and  a  proportion  of  the  grain,  to 
the  third  man,  to  obtain  from  him  clothes  and 
shoes.     Each  is  thus  accommodated  with  what 


20  PROGRESS    01"    CIVILIZATION. 

he  wants,  a  great  deal  better,  and  more  easily, 
by  every  one  folloAving  a  separate  occupation, 
than  they  could  possibly  have  been,  had  each 
of  the  three  been  hunter,  farmer,  and  tailor,  in 
his  own  person,  practising  tv/o  of  the  trades 
awkwardly  and  unwillingly,  instead  of  confining 
himself  to  that  which  he  perfectly  understands, 
and  pursues  with  success.  This  mode  of  ac- 
commodation is  called  barter,  and  is  the  earliest 
kind  of  traffic  by  which  men  exchange  their 
property  with  each  other,  and  satisfy  their 
wants  by  parting  with  their  superfluities. 

But  in  process  of  time,  barter  is  found  incon- 
venient. The  husbandman,  perhaps,  has  no 
use  for  shoes  when  the  shoemaker  is  in  need  of 
corn,  or  the  shoemaker  may  not  want  furs  or 
venison  when  the  hunter  desires  to  have  shoes. 
To  remedy  this,  almost  all  nations  have  intro- 
duced the  use  of  what  is  called  money;  that  is 
to  say,  they  have  fixed  on  some  particular  sub- 
stance capable  of  being  divided  into  small  por- 
tions, which,  ha^  ing  itself  no  intrinsic  value,  is 
nevertheless  received  as  a  representative  of  the 
value  of  all  commodities.  Particular  kinds  of 
shells  are  used  as  money  in  some  countries  ;  in 
others,  leather,  cloth,  or  iron,  are  employed  ; 
but  gold  and  silver,  divided  into  small  portions, 
are  used  for  this  important  purpose  almost  all 
over  the  world. 

That  you  may  understand  the  use  of  this 
circulating  representative  of  the  value  of  com- 
modities, and  comprehend  the  convenience 
which  it  afibrds,  let  us  suppose  that  the  hunter, 
as  we  formerly  said,  wanted  a  pair  of  shoes,  and 


PKOCKESJS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  21 

the  shoemaker  had  no  occasion  for  venison,  but 
wanted  some  corn,  while  the  husbandman,  not 
desiring  to  have  shoes,  was  in  need  of  some 
other  commodity. 

Here  are  three  men,  each  desirous  of  some 
article  of  necessity,  or  convenience,  which  he 
cannot  obtain  by  barter,  because  the  party 
whom  he  has  to  deal  with  does  not  want  the 
commodity  which  he  has  to  offer.  But  sup- 
posing the  use  of  money  introduced,  and  its  va- 
lue acknowledged,  these  three  persons  are  ac- 
commodated by  means  of  it  in  the  amplest  man- 
ner possible. 

The  shoemaker  does  not  want  the  venison 
which  the  hunter  offers  for  sale,  but  some  other 
man  in  the  village  is  willing  to  purchase  it  for 
five  pieces  of  silver — the  hunter  sells  his  com- 
modity, and  goes  to  the  shoemaker,  who,  though 
he  would  not  barter  the  shoes  for  the  venison, 
which  he  did  not  want,  readily  sells  them  for 
the  money,  and,  going  with  it  to  the  farmer, 
buys  from  him  the  quantity  of  corn  he  needs  ; 
while  the  farmer,  in  his  turn,  purchases  what- 
ever he  is  in  want  of,  or  if  he  requires  nothing 
at  the  time,  lays  the  pieces  of  money  aside,  to 
use  when  he  has  occasion. 

The  invention  of  money  is  followed  by  the 
gradual  rise  of  trade.  There  are  men  who 
make  it  their  business  to  buy  various  articles, 
and  sell  them  again  for  profit,  that  is,  they  sell 
them  somewhat  dearer  than  they  bought  them. 
This  is  convenient  for  all  parties,  since  the  ori- 
ginal proprietors  are  willing  to  sell  their  commo- 
dities to  those  store-keepers,  or  shop-keepers,  at 


22  PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  *'-' 

a  low  rate,  to  be  saved  the  trouble  of  hawking 
them  about  in  search  of  a  customer  ;  while  the 
public  in  general  are  equally  willing  to  buy  from 
such  intermediate  dealers,  because  they  are  sure 
to  be  immediately  supplied  with  what  they  want. 

The  numerous  transactions  occasioned  by 
the  introduction  of  money,  together  with  other 
circumstances,  soon  destroy  the  equality  of 
ranks  which  prevails  in  an  early  stage  of  so- 
ciety. Some  men  become  rich,  and  hire  the 
assistance  of  others  to  do  their  work  ;  some  are 
poor,  and  sink  into  the  capacity  of  servants. 
Some  men  are  wise  and  skilful,  and,  distin- 
guishing themselves  by  their  exploits  in  battle 
and  their  counsels  in  peace,  rise  to  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs.  Others,  and  much 
greater  numbers,  have  no  more  valour  than  to 
follow  where  they  are  led,  and  no  more  talent 
than  to  <;ct  as  they  are  commanded.  These 
last  sink,  as  a  matter  of  course,  into  obscurity, 
while  the  others  become  generals  and  states- 
men. 

The  attainment  of  learning  tends  also  to  in- 
crease the  difference  of  ranks.  Those  who 
receive  a  good  education  by  the  care  of  their 
parents,  or  possess  so  much  strength  of  mind 
and  readiness  of  talent  as  to  educate  them- 
selves, become  separated  from  the  more  igno- 
rant of  the  community,  and  form  a  distinct 
class  and  condition  of  their  own  ;  and  hold  no 
more  communication  with  the  others  than  is 
absolutely  necessary.  In  this  way  the  whole 
order  of  society  is  changed,  and  instead  of  pre- 
senting the  uniform  appearance  of  one  large 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  23 

family,  each  member  of  which  has  nearly  the 
same  rights,  it  seems  to  resemble  a  confederacy 
or  association  of  different  ranks,  classes,  and 
conditions  of  men,  each  rank  filling  up  a  cer- 
tain department  in  society,  and  discharging  a 
class  of  duties  totally  distinct  from  those  of  the 
others. 

The  steps  by  which  a  nation  advances  fro,m 
the  natural  and  simple  state  which  we  have  just 
described,  into  the  more  complicated  system  in 
which  ranks  are  distinguished  from  each  other, 
are  called  the  progress  of  society,  or  of  civiliza- 
tion. It  is  attended,  like  all  things  human, 
with  much  of  evil  as  well  as  good;  but  it  seems 
to  be  a  law  of  our  moral  nature,  that,  faster  or 
slower,  such  alterations  must  take  place,  in 
consequence  of  the  inventions  and  improve- 
ments of  succeeding  generations  of  mankind. 

Another  alteration,  .productive  of  conse- 
quences not  less  important,  arises  out  of  the 
gradual  progress  towards  civilization.  In  the 
early  state  of  society,  every  man  in  the  tribe 
is  a  warrior,  and  liable  to  serve  as  such  when 
the  country  requires  his  assistance ;  but  in  pro- 
gress of  time  the  pursuit  of  the  military  art  is, 
at  least  on  all  ordinary  occasions,  confined  to 
bands  of  professional  soldiers,  whose  business 
it  is  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  state,  when  re- 
quired, in  consideration  of  which  they  are  paid 
by  the  community,  the  other  members  of  which 
are  thus  left  to  the  uninterrupted  pursuit  of  their 
own  peaceful  occupations.  This  alteration 
is  attended  with  more  important  consequences 
than  we  can  at  present  pause  to  enumerate. 


^  PROGRTSS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 


We  have  said  that  those  mighty  changes 
which  bring  men  to  dwell  in  castles  and  cities 
instead  of  huts  and  caves,  and  enable  them  to 
cultivate  the  sciences  and  subdue  the  elements, 
instead  of  being  plunged  in  ignorance  and  su- 
perstition,are  owing  primarily  to  the  reason  with 
which  God  has  graciously  endowed  the  human 
race  ;  and  in  a  second  degree  to  the  power  of 
speech,  by  which  we  can  communicate  to  each 
other  the  result  of  our  own  reflections. 

But  it  is  evident  that  society,  when  its  ad- 
vance is  dependent  on  oral  tradition  alone, 
must  be  liable  to  many  interruptions.  The 
imagination  of  the  speaker,  and  the  dulness  or 
want  of  comprehension  of  the  hearer,  may 
lead  to  many  errors  ;  and  it  is  generally  found 
that  knowledge  makes  but  very  slow  progress 
imtil  the  art  of  writing  is  discovered,  by  which 
a  fixed,  accurate,  and  substantial  form  can  be 
given  to  the  wisdom  of  past  ages.  When  this 
noble  art  is  attained,  there  is  a  sure  foundation 
laid  for  the  preservation  and  increase  of  know- 
ledge. The  record  is  removed  from  the  inac- 
curate recollection  of  the  aged,  and  placed  in  a 
safe,  tangible,  and  imperishable  form,  which 
may  be  subjected  to  the  inspection  of  various 
persons,  until  the  sense  is  completely  explain- 
ed and  comprehended,  with  the  least  possible 
chance  of  doubt  or  uncertainty. 

By  the  art  of  writing,  a  barrier  is  fixed  against 
those  violent  changes  so  apt  to  take  place  in  the 
early  stages  of  society,  by  wliich  all  the  fruits 
of  knowledge  are  frequently  destroyed,  as 
those   of  the  earth  are  by  a  hurricane.     Sup- 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATIOX.  25 

pose,  for  example,  a  case  which  frequently 
happens  in  the  early  history  of  mankind,  that 
some  nation  which  has  made  considerable  pro- 
gress in  the  arts,  is  invaded  and  subdued  by 
another  which  is  more  powerful  and  numerous, 
though  more  ignorant  than  themselves.  It  is 
clear  that  in  this  case,  as  the  rude  and  ignorant 
victors  would  set  no  value  on  the  knowledge 
of  the  vanquished,  it  would,  if  intrusted  only 
to  the  memory  of  the  individuals  of  the  con- 
quered people,  be  gradually  lost  and  forgotten. 
But  if  their  useful  discoveries  were  recorded 
in  writing,  the  manuscripts  in  which  they  were 
described,  though  they  might  be  neglected  for 
a  season,  would,  if  preserved  at  all,  probably 
attract  attention  at  some  more  fortunate  period. 

It  was  thus  that,  when  the  empire  of  Rome, 
having  reached  the  utmost  period  of  its  gran- 
deur, was  broken  down  and  conquered  by  nu- 
merous tribes  of  ignorant  though  brave  barba- 
rians, those  admirable  works  of  classical 
learning,  on  which  such  value  is  justly  placed 
in  the  present  day,  were  rescued  from  total  de- 
struction and  oblivion  by  manuscript  copies 
preserved  by  chance  in  the  old  libraries  of 
churches  and  convents.  It  may  indeed  be 
taken  as  an  almost  infallible  maxim,  that  no 
nation  can  make  any  great  progress  in  useful 
knowledge  or  civilization,  until  their  improve- 
ment can  be  rendered  stable  and  permanent  by 
the  invention  of  writing. 

Another  discovery,  however,  almost  as  im 
portant  as  that  of  writing,  was  made  during  the 
fifteenth    century.     I  mean    the  invention    of 

VOL.    I.  3 


26  PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 

printing.  Writing  with  the  hand  must  be  al- 
ways a  slow,  difficult,  and  expensive  operation ; 
and  when  the  manuscript  is  finished,  it  is  per- 
haps laid  aside  among  the  stores  of  some  great 
library,  where  it  may  be  neglected  by  students, 
and  must,  at  any  rate,  be  accessible  to  very  few 
persons,  and  subject  to  be  destroyed  by  nume- 
rous accidents.  But  the  admirable  invention 
of  printing  enables  the  artist  to  make  a  thou- 
sand copies  from  the  original  manuscript,  by 
having  them  stamped  upon  paper,  in  far  less 
time  and  with  less  expense  than  it  would  cost 
to  make  half  a  dozen  such  copies  with  a  pen. 
From  the  period  of  this  glorious  discovery, 
knowledge  of  every  kind  might  be  said  to  be 
brought  out  of  the  darkness  of  cloisters  and 
universities,  where  it  was  known  only  to  a  few 
scholars,  into  the  broad  light  of  day,  where  its 
treasures  were  accessible  to  all  men. 

The  Bible  itself,  in  which  we  find  the  rules 
of  eternal  life,  as  well  as  a  thousand  lessons 
for  our  conduct  in  this  world,  was,  before  the 
invention  of  printing,  totally  inaccessible  to  all, 
save  the  priests  of  Rosne,  who  found  it  their 
interest  to  discourage  the  perusal  of  the  Scrip- 
tures by  any  save  their  own  order,  and  thus 
screened  from  discovery  those  alterations  and 
corruptions,  which  the  inventions  of  ignorant 
and  designing  men  had  introduced  into  the 
beautiful  simplicity  of  the  gospel.  But  when, 
by  means  of  printing,  the  copies  of  the  Bible 
became  so  numerous,  that  every  one,  above  the 
most  wretched  poverty,  could,  at  a  cheap  price, 
possess  himself  of  a  copy  of  the  blessed  rule 


PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION.  27 

'  ■  '  ^ 

of  life,  there  was  a  general  appeal  from  the 
errors  and  encroachments  of  the  Church  of 
Rome,  to  the  Divine  Word  on  which  they  pro- 
fessed to  be  founded  ;  a  treasure  formerly  con- 
cealed from  the  public,  but  now  placed  within 
the  reach  of  every  man,  whether  of  the  clergy 
or  laity.  The  consequence  of  these  inquiries, 
which  printing  alone  could  have  rendered  prac- 
ticable, was  the  rise  of  the  happy  Reformation 
of  the  Christian  church. 

The  same  noble  art  rnaue  knowledge  of  a 
temporal  kind  as  accessible  as  that  which  con- 
cerned religion.  Whatever  works  of  history, 
science,  morality,  or  entertainment,  seemed 
likely  to  instruct  or  amuse  the  reader,  were 
pi[^ted  ^nd  distributed  among  the  people  at 
large  by  printers  and  booksellers,  who  had  a 
proiit  by  doing  so.  Thus  the  possibility  of  im 
portant  discoveries  being  forgotten  in  the 
course*  of  years,  or  of  the  destruction  of  useful 
arts,  or  elegant  literature,  by  the  loss  of  the  re- 
cords in  which  they  are  preserved,  was  in  a 
great  measure  removed. 

In  a  word,  the  printing-press  is  a  contri- 
vance which  enables  any  one  individual  to  ad- 
dress his  whole  fellovr-subjects  on  any  topic 
v/hicli  he  thinks  important,  and  Avhich  enables 
a  v/iiole  nation  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  such  in- 
dividual, however  obscure,  with  the  same  ease 
and  greater  certainty  of  understanding  what  he 
says,  tlian  if  a  chief  of  Indians  were  haranguing 
the  tribe  at  his  council-fire.  Nar  is  the  import- 
ant difierence  to  be  forgotten,  that  the  orator 
<Tin  only  speak  to  the  person  prt'scnt,  while  iiic 


28  PROGRESS    OF    CIVILIZATION. 

author  of  a  book  addresses  himself,  not  only  to 
the  race  now  in  existence,  but  to  all  succeeding 
generations,  while  his  work  shall  be  held  in 
estimation. 

I  have  thus  endeavoured  to  trace  the  steps 
by  which  a  general  civilization  is  found  to  take 
place  in  nations  with  more  or  less  rapidity,  as 
laws  and  institutions,  or  external  circum- 
stances, favourable  or  otherwise,  advance  or 
retard  the  increase  of  knowledge,  and  by  the 
course  of  which  man,  endowed  with  reason, 
and  destined  for  immortality,  gradually  im- 
proves the  condition  in  which  Providence  has 
placed  him,  while  the  inferior  animals  continue 
to  live  by  means  of  the  same,  or  nearly  the 
same,  instincts  of  self-preservation,  which  h^^e 
directed  their  species  in  all  its  descents  since 
the  creation. 

I  have  called  your  attention  at  some  length 
to  this  matter,  because  you  will  now  have  to 
remark,  that  a  material  change  had  gradually 
and  slowly  taken  place,  both  in  the  kingdom  of 
England,  and  in  that  of  Scotland,  when  their 
long  quarrels  were  at  length,  in  appearance, 
ended,  by  the  accession  of  James  the  Sixth  of 
Scotland  to  the  English  crown,  which  he  held 
under  the  title  of  James  the  First  of  that  pow- 
erful kingdom. 


29 


CHAP.  II. 

Infirmities  and  ill  temper  of  Elizabeth  in  her 
latter  years — Accession  of  James  VI.  ac- 
ceptable on  that  account  to  the  English — Re- 
sort of  Scotsmen  to  the  Court  at  London — 
Quarrels  between  them  and  the  English — 
Duelling — Duel  of  Stewart  and  Wharton — 
Attempt  by  Sir  John  Ayres  to  assassinate 
Lord  Herbert — Murder  of  Turner,  a  Fen- 
cing-Master,  by  two  Pages  of  Lord  San- 
quhar, and  Execution  of  the  three  Murder- 
ers— Statute  against  Stabbing. 

The  whole  island  of  Great  Britain  was  now 
united  under  one  king,  though  it  remained  in 
effect  two  separate  kingdoms,  governed  by 
their  own  separate  constitutions,  and  their  own 
distinct  codes  of  laws,  and  liable  again  to  be 
separated,  in  case,  by  the  death  of  King  James 
without  issue,  the  kingdoms  might  have  b^en 
claimed  by  different  heirs.  For  although  James 
had  two  sons,  yet  there  was  a  possibility  that 
they  might  have  both  died  before  their  father, 
in  which  case  the  sceptres  of  England  and 
Scotland  must  have  passed  once  more  to  diffe- 
rent hands.  The  Hamilton  family  would,  in 
that  case,  have  succeeded  to  the  kingdom  of 
Scotland,  and  the  next  heir  of  Elizabeth  to  that 
of  England.  Who  that  heir  was,  it  might  have 
been  found  difficult  to  determine. 

It  might  have  been  thought  that  James,  the 
3* 


?:')  ILL    TE.-Vii'KIi    Or     ELIZABKTII 

sovereign  of  a  poor  and  barren  kingdom,  AvTiich 
had  for  so  many  ages  maintained  an  almost 
perpetual  war  with  England,  would  have  met 
with  a  prejudiced  and  unpleasant  reception  from 
a  nation  long  acpustomed  to  despise  the  Scots 
for  their  poverty,  and  to  regard  them  with  en- 
mity on  account  of  their  constant  hostility  to 
the  English  blood  and  name. 

It  mighthave  been  supposed  also,  that  a  peo- 
ple so  proud  as  the  English,  and  having  so  many 
justifiable  reasonsfor  theirpride,  would  have  re- 
garded with  an  evil  eye  the  transference  of  the 
sceptre  from  the  hand  of  the  Tudors,  who 
had  swayed  it  during  five  successive  reigns,  to 
those  of  a  Stewart,  descended  from  the  ancient 
and  determined  enemies  of  the  English  nation. 
But  it  was  the  wise  and  gracious  pleasure  of 
Providence,  that  while  so  many  reasons  existed 
to  render  the  accession  of  James,  and,  in  con- 
sequence, the  union  of  the  two  crowns,  obnox- 
ious to  the  English  people,  others  should  occur, 
which  not  only  balanced,  but  completely  over- 
powered those  objections,  as  well  in  the  minds 
of  men  of  sense  and  education,  as  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  populace,  who  are  usually  averse  to 
foreign  rulers,  for  no  other  reason  than  that 
they  are  such. 

Queen  Elizabeth,  after  a  long  and  glorious 
reign,  had,  in  her  latter  days,  become  much 
more  cross  and  uncertain  in  her  temper  than 
had  been  the. case  in  her  youth,  more  wilful 
also,  and  more  inclined  to  exert  her  arbitrary 
power  on  sliglit  occasions.  One  peculiar  cause 
of  offence  was  her  obstinate  refusal  to  gratify 


IN    HER    LATTLIR    YEARS.  31 

the  anxiety  of  her  people,  by  making  any  ar 
rangement  for  the  succession  to  the  throne 
after  her  death.  On  this  subject,  indeed,  she 
nursed  so  much  suspicion  and  jealousy,  as 
gave  rise  to  more  than  one  extraordinary 
scene.  The  following  is  a  whimsical  instance, 
among  others,  of  her  unwillingness  to  hear  of 
any  thing  respecting  old  age  and  its  conse- 
quences. 

The  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  preaching  in  her 
Majesty's  presence,  took  occasion  from  his  text, 
which  was  Psal.  xc.  ver.  12,  "  So  teach  us  to 
number  our  days,  that  we  may  apply  our  hearts 
unto  wisdom,"  to  allude  to  the  Queen's  ad- 
vanced period  of  life,  she  being  then  sixty-three, 
and  to  the  consequent  infirmities  attending  upon 
old  age  :  as  for  example,  when  the  grinders  shall 
be  few  in  number,  and  they  wax  dark  who  look 
out  at  windows — when  the  daugl^ters  of  singing 
shall  be  abased — and  more  to  the  like  purpose. 

With  the  tone  of  these  admonitions  the  queen 
was  so  ill  satisfied,  that  she  flung  open  the  win- 
dow of  the  closet  in  which  she  sate,  and  told 
the  preacher  to  keep  his  admonitions  to  himself, 
since  she  plainly  saw  the  greatest  clerks  (mean- 
ing, scholars)  were  not  the  wisest  men.  Nor 
did  her  displeasure  end  here.  The  bishop  was 
commanded  to  confine  himself  to  his  house  for 
a  time,  and  the  Queen,  referring  to  the  circum- 
stance some  time  afterwards,  told  her  cour- 
tiers how  much  the  prelate  was  mistaken  in 
supposing  her  to  be  as  much  decayed  as  perhaps 
he  might  feel  himself  to  be.  As  for  her,  she 
thanked   God,    neither  her  stomach   nor  her 


32  INTRIGUES     TO    SECUR* 

Strength,  her  voice  for  singing,  or  her  art  of 
lingering  instruments,  were  any  whit  decayed. 
And  to  prove  the  goodness  of  her  eyes,  she 
produced  a  little  jewel,  with  an  inscription  in 
very  pmall  letters,  which  she  offered  to  Lord 
Worcester  and  Sir  James  Crofts  to  read  ;  and 
as  they  had  too  much  tact  to  be  sharp-sighted 
on  the  occasion,  she  read  it  herself  with  appa- 
rent ease,  and  laughed  at  the  error  of  the  good 
bishop. 

The  faults  of  Elizabeth,  though  arising  chiefly 
from  age  and  ill-temper,  were  noticed  and  re- 
sented by  her  subjects,  who  began  openly  to 
show  themselves  weary  of  a  female  reign,  for- 
getting how  glorious  it  had  been,  and  to  de- 
sire to  have  a  king  to  rule  over  them.  With 
this  general  feeling,  all  eyes,  even  those  of  Eli- 
zabeth's most  confidential  statesman  and  coun- 
sellor Sir  Robert  Cecil,  afterwards  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  were  turned  to  the  King  of  Scotland 
as  next  heir  to  the  crown.  He  was  a  Protestant 
prince,  which  assured  him  the  favour  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  of  the  numerous  and 
strong  adherents  to  the  Protestant  religion.  As 
such,  Cecil  entered  into  a  secret  correspondence 
with  him,  in  which  he  pointed  out  the  line  of 
conduct  proper  on  James's  part  tq  secure  his 
interest  in  England. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  English  Catholics,  on 
whom  Queen  Elizabeth's  government  had  im- 
posed many  se^^re  penal  laws,  were  equally 
friendly  to  the  succession  of  King  James,  since 
from  that  prince,  wliosc  motlierhad  been  a  strict 
Catholic,  they  )niglit  liopc  for  fsojiie  favour,  or, 


THE    SUCCESSION     OF    JAMES.  33 

at  the  least,  some  release  from  the  various  hard- 
ships which  the  laws  of  England  imposed  on 
them.  The  Earl  of  Northumberland  conducted 
a  correspondence  with  James  on  the  part  of  the 
Catholics,  in  which  he  held  high  language,  and 
offered  to  assert  the  Scottish  King's  right  of 
succession  by  force  of  arms. 

These  intrigues  were  kept  by  James  as  secret 
as  was  in  his  power.  If  Elizabeth  had  disco- 
vered either  the  one  or  the  other,  neither  the 
services  of  Cecil  nor  the  high  birth  and  power 
of  the  great  Earl  of  Northumberland,  could 
have  saved  them  from  experiencing  the  extre- 
mity of  her  indignation.  Cecil,  in  particular, 
was  at  one  time  on  the  point  of  ruin.  A  post 
from  Scotland  delivered  into  his  hands  a  private 
packet  from  the  Scottish  king,  when  the  secre- 
tary was  in  attendance  on  Elizabeth.  "  Open 
your  despatches,"  said  Elizabeth,  "  and  let  us 
hear  the  news  from  Scotland."  A  man  of  less 
presence  of  mind  would  have  been  ruined  ;  for 
if  the  queen  had  seen  the  least  hesitation  in  her 
minister's  manner,  her  suspicions  would  have 
been  instantly  awakened,  and  detection  must 
have  followed.  But  Cecil  recollected  the  queen's 
sensitive  aversion  to  any  disagreeable  smell, 
which  was  strengthened  by  the  belief  of  the 
time,  that  infectious  diseases  and  subtle  poisons 
could  be  communicated  by  means  of  scent  alone. 
The  artful  secretary  availed  himself  of  this,  and 
while  he  seemed  to  be  cutting  the  strings  which 
held  the  packet,  he  observed  it  had  a  singular 
and  unpleasant  odour  ;  on  which  Elizabeth  de- 
sired it  might  be  taken  from  her  presence,  and 


34  CHARACTER    OF    JAMES. 


opened  elsewhere  with  due  precaution.  Thus 
Cecil  got  an  opportunity  to  v/ithdraw  from  the 
packet  whatever  could  have  betrayed  his  corres- 
pondence* with  King  James.  Cecil's  policy  and 
inclinations  were  very  generally  followed  in  the 
English  court ;  indeed,  there  appeared  no  heir 
to  the  crown,  male  or  female,  whose  right  could 
be  placed  in  competition  with  that  of  James. 

It  may  be  added  to  this  general  inclination  in 
James's  favour,  that  the  defects  of  his  character 
were  of  a  kind  which  did  not  attract  much  at- 
tention while  he  occupied  the  throne  of  Scot- 
land. The  delicacy  of  his  situation  was  then 
so  great,  and  he  was  exposed  to  so  many  dan- 
gers from  the  dislike  of  the  clergy,  the  feuds 
of  the  nobles,  and  the  tumultuous  disposition  of 
the  common  people,  that  he  dared  not  indulge 
in  any  of  those  childish  freaks  of  which  he  was 
found  capable  when  his  motions  were  more 
completely  at  his  own  disposal.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  was  compelled  to  seek  out  the  sagest 
counsellors,  to  listen  to  the  wisest  advice,  and 
to  put  a  restraint  on  his  own  natural  disposition 
for  encouraging  idle  favourites,  parasites,  and 
flatterers,  as  well  as  to  suppress  his  inward  de- 
sire to  extend  the  limits  of  his  authority  farther 
than  the  constitution  of  the  country  permitted. 
At  this  period  he  governed  by  the  advice  of 
such  ministers  as  the  Chancellor  Maitland,  and 
afterwards  of  Home,  Earl  of  Dunbar,  men  of 
thought  and  action,  of  whose  steady  measures 
and  prudent  laws  (he  king  naturally  obtained 
the  credit. 

Neither  was  James  Id msclf  deficient  in  a  cer^ 


CHARACTER    OF    JAMES.  S5 

tain  degree  of  sagacity.  He  possessed  all  thai 
could  be  derived  from  learning  alloyed  by 
pedantry,  and  from  a  natural  shrewdness  of 
wit,  which  enabled  him  to  play  the  part  of  a 
man  of  sense,  when  either  acting  under  the 
influence  of  constraint  and  fear,  or  where  no 
temptation  occurred  to  induce  him  to  be  guilty  of 
some  folly.  It  was  by  these  specious  accom- 
plishments that  he  acquired  in  his  youth  the 
character  of  an  able  and  wise  monarch,  although 
when  he  v/as  afterwards  brought  on  a  more 
conspicuous  stage,  and  his  character  better  un- 
derstood, he  was  found  entitled  to  no  better 
epithet  than  that  conferred  on  him  by  an  able 
French  politician,  who  called  him,  "  the  wisest 
fool  in  Christendom." 

Such,  however,  as  King  James  was,  England 
now  received  him  with  more  universal  accla- 
mation than  had  attended  any  of  her  princes  on 
their  ascent  to  the  throne.  Multitudes,  of  every 
description,  hastened  to  accompany  him  on  his 
journey  through  England  to  the  capital  city. 
The  w^ealthy  placed  their  gold  at  his  disposal, 
the  powerful  opened  their  halls  for  the  most 
magnificent  entertainments,  the  clergy  hailed 
him  as  the  head  of  the  Church,  and  the  poor, 
who  had  nothing  to  offer  but  their  lives,  seem- 
ed ready  to  devote  them  to  his  service.  Some 
of  the  Scottish  retinue  who  were  acquainted 
with  James's  character,  saw  and  feared  the  un- 
favourable effect  w^hich  such  a  change  of  cir- 
cumstances was  likely  to  work  on  him.  "  A 
plague  of  these  people !"  said  one  of  his  oldest 
domestics  ;  *'  they  will  spoil  a  good  king," 


36  CHARACTER    OF    JAMES. 

Another  Scot  made  an  equally  shrewd  an- 
swer to  an  Englishman,  who  desired  to  know 
from  him  the  king's  real  character.  "  Did  you 
ever  see  a  jackanapes?"  said  the  Scotsman, 
meaning  a  tame  monkey  ;  "  if  you  have,  you 
must  be  aware  that  if  you  hold  the  creature  in 
your  hands  you  can  make  him  bite  me,  and 
if  I  hold  him  in  my  hands,  I  can  make  him 
bite  you." 

Both  these  sayings  were  shown  to  be  true  in 
course  of  time.  King  James,  brought  from  po- 
verty to  wealth,  became  thoughtless  and  prodi- 
gal, indolent,  and  addicted  to  idle  pleasures. 
From  hearing  the  smooth  flatteries  of  the  clergy 
of  England,  who  recognised  him  as  head  of  the 
Church,  instead  of  the  rude  attacks  of  the  Pres 
byterian  ministers  of  Scotland,  who  had  hardly 
admitted  his  claim  to  be  one  of  its  inferior 
members,  he  entertained  new  and  more  lofty 
pretensions  to  divine  right.  Finally,  brought 
from  a  country  where  his  personal  liberty  and 
the  freedom  of  his  government  were  frequently 
placed  under  restraint,  and  his  life  sometimes 
in  danger,  he  was  overjoyed  to  find  himself  in 
a  condition  where  his  own  will  was  not  only 
unfettered,  as  far  as  he  himself  was  concerned, 
but  appeared  to  be  the  model  to  which  all  loyal 
subjects  were  desirous  to  accommodate  theirs; 
and  he  seemed  readily  enough  disposed  to 
stretch  to  its  utmost  limits  the  power  thus  pre- 
sented to  him.  Thus,  from  being  a  just  and 
equitable  monarch,  he  was  inspired  with  a  love 
of  arbitrary  power  ;  and  from  attending,  as  hcid 
been  his  custom,  to  state  business,  he  now 
minded  little  save  hunting  and  festivals. 


CIIARACTEll    OF    JAMES.  SI' 


In  this  manner  James,  though  possessing  a 
large  stock  of  pedantic  msdom,  came  to  place 
himsielf  under  the  management  of  a  succession 
of  unworthy  favourites,  and  although  good- 
natured,  and  naturally  a  lover  of  justice,  was 
often  Iiurried  into  actions  and  measures,  which, 
if  they  could  not  be  termed  absolutely  tyranni- 
cal, were  nevertheless  illegal  and  unjust.  It  is, 
however,  of  his  Scottish  government  that  we 
are  now  to  treat,  and  therefore  I  am  to  explain 
to  you,  as  well  as  I  can,  the  consequences  of  the 
union  with  England  to  the  people  and  country 
of  Scotland. 

If  the  English  nation  were  delighted  to  re- 
ceive King  James  as  their  sovereign,  the  Scot- 
tish people  were  no  less  enchanted  by  the  pros- 
pect of  their  monarch's  ascent  to  this  wealthy 
and  pre-eminent  situation.  They  considered 
the  promotion  of  their  count-ryman  and  prince 
as  an  omen  of  good  fortune  to  their  nation  ; 
each  individual  Scotsman  expected  to  secure 
some  part  of  the  good  things  with  which  En- 
gland was  supposed  to  abound,  and  multitudes 
hurried  to  court,  to  put  themselves  in  the  way 
of  sharing  them. 

James  was  shocked  at  the  greediness  and 
importunity  of  his  hungry  countrymen,  and 
scandalized  besides  at  the  poor  and  miserable 
appearance  which  many  of  them  made  among 
the  rich  Englishmen,  and  which  brought  dis- 
credit upon  the  country  to  which  he  himself  as 
well  as  they  belonged.  He  sent  instructions  to 
the  Scottish  Privy  Council  to  prevent  such  in- 
truders from  leaving  their  country,  complain-' 


38  RESORT    OF    SCOTSMEN    TO 

ing  of  their  manners  and  appearance,  as  calcu- 
lated to  bring  disgrace  upon  all  the  natives  of 
Scotland. 

A  proclamation  was  accordingly  issued  at 
Edinburgh,  setting  forth  that  great  numbers  of 
men  and  women  of  base  sort  and  condition,  and 
without  any  certain  trade,  calling,  or  depend- 
ence, repaired  from  Scotland  to  court,  which 
was  almost  tilled  with  them,  to  the  great  an- 
noyance of  his  Majesty,  and  to  the  heavy  dis- 
grace of  the  Scottish  nation;  for  these  suitors 
being,  in  the  judgment  of  all  who  saw  them, 
but  idle  rascals,  and  poor  miserable  bodies, 
their  importunity  and  numbers  raised  an  opi- 
nion that  there  were  no  persons  of  good  rank, 
comeliness,  or  credit  in  the  country,  which  sent 
forth  such  a  flight  of  locusts.  Further,  it  wag 
complained  that  these  unseemly  supplicants 
usually  alleged  that  the  cause  of  their  repairing 
to  court,  was  to  desire  payment  of  old  debts 
due  by  the  King,  "  which  of  all  kinds  of  impor- 
tunity," says  the  proclamation,  with  great  sim- 
plicity, "  is  the  most  unpleasing  to  his  Majesty." 
Therefore  general  proclamation  Avas  directed 
to  be  made  at  all  the  market  crosses  in  Scot- 
land, that  no  Scottish  person  should  be  per- 
mitted to  travel  to  England  without  leave  of  the 
Privy  Council ;  and  that  vessels  transporting 
individuals  who  had  not  obtained  due  license, 
should  be  liable  to  confiscation. 

But  although  the  King  did  all  that  was  in  his 
power  to  prevent  these  uncouth  suitors  from 
repairing  to  his  court,  yet  there  were  many 
other  natives  of  Scotland  of  a  higher  descrip- 


THE    COURT    AT    LONDON.  39 

tion,  t?ie  sons  of  men  of  rank  and  quality,  who, 
by  birth  and  condition,  had  the  right  of  attend- 
ing his  court,  and  approaching  his  presence, 
whom  he  could  not  prohibit  from  doing  so, 
without  positively  disowning  all  former  affec- 
tions, national  feeling,  and  sympathy  or  grati- 
tude for  past  services.  The  benefits  which  he 
conferred  on  these  were  ill-construed  by  the 
English,  who  seem  to  have  accounted  every 
thing  as  taken  from  themselves  which  was  be- 
stowed on  a  Scotsman.  The  King,  though  it 
does  not  appear  that  he  acted  with  any  unjust 
purpose,  was  hardly  judged,  both  by  his  own 
countrymen  and  the  English. 

The  Scots  who  had  been  his  friends  in  his 
inferior  situation,  and,  as  it  might  be  called,  his 
adversity,  naturally  expected  a  share  of  his 
bounty,  when  he  was  advanced  to  such  high 
prosperity  ;  while  the  English,  with  a  jealousy 
for  which  much  allowance  is  to  be  made,  re- 
garded these  northern  suitors  with  an  evil  eye. 
In  short,  the  Scottish  courtiers  thought  that 
their  claims  of  ancient  services,  of  allegiance 
tried  under  difficult  circumstances,  of  favour 
due  to  countrymen,  and  perhaps,  even  to  kin- 
dred, which  no  people  carry  so  far,  entitled 
them,  to  all  the  advantages  which  the  King 
might  have  to  bestow  ;  while  the  English,  on 
the  other  hand,  considered  every  thing  given  to 
the  Scots  as  conferred  at  their  expense,  and 
used  many  rhymes  and  satirical  expressions  to 
that  purpose,  such  as  occur  in  the  old  song: — 

Bonny  Scot,  all  witness  can, 
England  has  made  thee  a  gentleman. 


40       QUARRELS    r,ET  V.  i.  JuN    THE    t^COTSMEN 

Thy  blue  bonnet,  when  thou  came  hither, 
Would  scarcely  keep  out  the  wind  or  weather  : 
But  now  it  is  turned  to  a  hat  and  a  fcatiier — 
The  bonnet  is  blown  the  devil  knows  whither. 

The  sword  at  thy  haunch  was  a  h^ge  black  blade, 
With  a  great  bnsket-hilt,  of  iron  made  ; 
But  now  a  long  rapier  doth  hang  by  his  side, 
And  huffingly  doth  this  bonny  Scot  ride. 

Another  rhyme,  to  the  same  purpose,  described 
a  Scottish  courtier  thus  : — 

In  Scotland  1*6  was  born  and  bred, 
And,  though  a  beggar,  must  be  fed. 

It  is  said,  that  when  the  Scots  complained  to  the 
king  of  this  last  aspersion,  James  replied, 
"  Hold  your  peace,  for  I  will  soon  make  the 
English  as  poor  as  yourselves,  and  so  end  that 
controversy."  But  as  it  was  not  in  tlie  power 
of  wit  to  appease  the  feud  betwixt  the  nobility 
and  gentry  of  two  proud  nations,  so  lately  ene- 
mies, all  the  eflbrts  of  the  King  were  unequal 
to  prevent  bloody  and  desperate  quarrels  be- 
tween his  countrymen  and  his  new  subjects,  to 
the  great  disquiet  of  the  court,  and  the  distress 
of  the  good-natured  monarch,  who,  averse  to 
war  in  all  its  shapes,  and  even  to  the  sight  of  a 
drawn  sword,  suflered  grievously  on  such  oc- 
casions. 

There  was  one  of  those  incidents  which  as- 
sumed a  character  so  formidable,  that  it  iJircat- 
encd  the  destruction  of  all  the  Scots  at  the 
coiu't  and  in  the  capital,  and,  in  consc(|uence, 
a  breach  between  the  kingdoms  so  lately  and 
happily  allied. 


AT    COURT    AND    THE    ENGLISH.  41 

At  a  public  horse-race  at  Croydon,  Philip 
Herbert,  an  Englishman  of  high  birth,  though, 
as  it  fortunately  chanced,  of  no  degree  of  corres- 
ponding spirit,  received,  in  a  quarrel,  a  blow  in 
the  face  by  a  switch  or  a  horse-whip,  from  one 
Ramsay,  a  Scottish  gentleman  in  attendance  on 
the  court.  The  rashness  and  violence  of  Ram- 
say was  construed  into  a  national  point  of 
quarrel  by  the  English  present,  who  proposed 
revenging  themselves  on  the  spot  by  a  general 
attack  upon  all  the  Scots  on  the  race-ground. 
One  gentleman,  named  Pinchbeck,  although  ill 
fitted  for  such  a  strife,  for  he  had  but  the  use  of 
two  fingers  upon  his  right  hand,  rode  furiously 
through  the  multitude,  with  his  dagger  ready 
drawn,  exhorting  all  the  English  to  imitate  him 
in  an  immediate  attack  on  the  Scots,  exclaiming, 
"  Let  us  breakfast  with  those  that  are  here,  and 
dine  with  the  rest  in  London."  But  as  Herbert 
did  not  return  tlie  blow,  no  scuffle  or  assault 
actually  took  place  ;  otherwise,  it  is  probable, 
a  dreadful  scene  must  have  ensued.  James, 
with  whom  Herbert  was  a  particular  favourite, 
rewarded  his  moderation  or  timidity  by  raising 
him  to  the  rank  of  Knight,  Baron,  Viscount, 
and  Earl  of  Montgomery,  all  in  one  day.  Ram- 
say was  banished  the  court  for  a  season  ;  and 
thus  the  immediate  affront  was  in  some  degree 
alleviated. 

But  the  new  Earl  of  Montgomery  remained, 
in  the  opinion  of  his  countrymen,  a  dishonour- 
ed man  ;  and  it  is  said  his  mother,  the  sister  of 
Sir  Philip  Sidney,  wept  and  tore  her  hair  when 
she  heard  of  his  having  endured  with  patience 
4* 


43       QUARRELS    BETWEEN    THE    SCOTSMEN 

the  insult  offered  by  Ramsay.  This  is  the  lady 
whom,  in  a  beautiful  epitaph,  Ben  Jonson  has 
described  as 

Sidney's  sister,  Pembroke's  mother  ; 
Death,  ere  thou  hast  slain  another 
Wise,  and  good,  and  learn'd  as  she, 
Time  shall  throw  a  dart  at  thee. 

Yet  the  patience  of  Herbert  under  the  insult 
was  the  fortunate  prevention  of  a  great  national 
misfortune,  for  which,  if  his  after  conduct  had 
not  given  tokens  of  an  abject  spirit,  he  might 
have  been  praised  as  a  patriot,  who  had  prefer- 
red the  good  of  his  country  to  the  gratification 
of  his  own  immediate  resentment. 

Another  offence  given  by  the  haughty  and 
irascible  temper  of  a  Scotsman,  was  also  likely 
to  have  produced  disastrous  consequences. 
The  Inns  of  Court  are  the  places  of  resort  and 
study  appointed  for  those  young  men  who  are 
destined  to  the  profession  of  the  law  in  England, 
and  they  are  filled  with  students,  men  often  of 
high  family  and  accomplishments,  and  who, 
living  together  in  the  sort  of  colleges  set  apart 
for  their  residence,  have  always  kept  up  the 
ideas  of  privilege  and  distinction,  to  which 
their  destination  to  a  highly  honourable  profes- 
sion, as  well  as  their  own  birth  and  condition, 
entitles  them. 

One  of  these  gentlemen,  by  name  Edv/ard 
Hawley,  appeared  at  court  on  a  public  occasion, 
and,  probably,  intruded  further  tlian  his  rank 
authorized  ;  so  that  Maxwell,  a  Scotsman,  much 
favoured  by  James,  and  an  uslier  of  his  cham- 
ber, not   only   tlirust  him   back,  but  actually 


AT  COURT  AND  THE  ENGLISH.      43 

pulled  him  out  of  the  presence  chamber  by  a 
black  riband  which,  like  other  gallants  of  the 
time,  Hawley  wore  at  the  ear.  Havvley,  who 
was  a  man  of  spirit,  instantly  challenged  Max- 
well to  fight ;  and  his  second,  who  carried  the 
challenge,  informed  him,  that  if  he  declined 
such  meeting,  Hawley  would  assault  him 
wherever  they  should  meet,  and  either  kill  him 
or  be  killed  on  the  spot.  James,  by  his  royal 
interference,  was  able  to  solder  up  this  quar- 
rel also.  He  compelled  Maxwell  to  make  an 
apology  to  HaAvley  ;  and,  for  the  more  full  ac- 
commodation of  the  dispute,  accepted  of  a  splen- 
did masque  and  entertainment  offered  on  the  oc- 
casion by  the  students  of  Gray's  Inn  Lane,  the 
society  to  which  the  injured  gentleman  be- 
longed. 

We  may  here  remark  a  great  change  in  the 
manners  of  the  gallants  of  the  time,  which  had 
taken  place  in  the  progress  of  civilization,  to 
which  I  formerly  alluded.  The  ancient  prac- 
tice of  trial  by  combat,  which  made  a  principal 
part  of  the  feudal  law,  and  which  was  resorted 
to  in  so  many  cases,  was  now  fallen  into  disuse. 
The  progress  of  reason,  and  the  principles  of 
justice,  concurred  to  prove  that  a  combat  in  the 
lists  might  indeed  show  which  of  two  knights 
was  the  best  rider  and  the  stoutest  swordsman, 
but  that  such  an  encounter  could  afford  no  evi- 
dence which  of  the  two  was  innocent  or  guilty  ; 
since  it  can  only  be  believed  in  a  very  ignorant 
age  that  Providence  is  to  work  a  miracle  in  case 
of  every  chance  combat,  and  award  success  to 
the  party  whose  virtue  best  deserves  it.     The 


44  DUELLING. 


trial  by  combat,  therefore,  though  it  was  not 
actually  removed  from  the  statute-book,  was  in 
fact  only  once  appealed  to  after  the  accession  of 
James,  and  even  then  the  combat,  as  a  mode  of 
trial  unsuited  to  enlightened  times,  did  not  take 
place. 

For  the  same  reason  the  other  sovereigns  of 
Europe  discountenanced  these  challenges  and 
combats,  either  for  pure  honour  or  in  revenge 
of  some  injury,  which  it  used  to  be  their  custom 
to  encourage,  and  to  sanction  with  their  own 
presence.  These  rencounters  were  generally 
accounted  by  all  sensible  persons  an  inexcusable 
waste  of  gallant  men's  lives  for  matters  of  mere 
punctilio,  and  were  strictly  forbidden,  under 
the  highest  penalties,  by  the  Kings  both  of 
England  and  France,  and,  generally  speaking, 
through  the  civilized  world.  But  the  royal 
command  could  not  change  the  hearts  of  those 
to  whom  it  was  addressed,  nor  could  the  penal- 
ties annexed  to  the  breach  of  the  law  intimidate 
men,  whom  a  sense  of  honour,  though  a  false 
one,  had  already  induced  to  hold  life  cheap. 
Men  fought  as  many,  perhaps  even  more,  single 
combats  than  formerly  ;  and  although  they  took 
place  without  the  publicity  and  formal  show  of 
lists,  armour,  horses,  and  the  attendance  of  he- 
ralds and  judges  of  the  field,  yet  they  were  not 
less  bloody  than  those  which  had  been  formerly 
fought  with  the  observance  of  every  point  ol 
chivalry. 

According  to  the  more  modern  practice, 
combatants  met  in  some  solitary  place,  alone, 
or  each  accompanied  by  a  friend  called  a  s6- 


DUEL  BETWEEN  STEWART  AND  WHARTON.  45 

cond,  who  were  supposed  to  see  fair  play.  The 
combat  was  generally  fought  with  the  rapier  or 
smallsword,  a  peculiarly  deadly  weapon,  and  the 
combatants,  to  show  they  wore  no  defensive 
armour  under  their  clothes,  threw  off  their  coats 
and  waistcoats,  and  fought  in  their  shirts.  The 
duty  of  the  seconds,  properly  interpreted,  was 
only  to  see  fair  play  ;  but  as  these  hot-spirited 
young  men  felt  it  difficult  to  remain  cool  and 
inactive  when  they  saw  their  friends  engaged, 
it  was  very  coiniiion  for  them,  though  without 
even  the  shadow  of  a  quarrel,  to  fight  also ; 
and,  in  that  case,  whoever  first  despatched  his 
antagonist,  or  rendered  him  incapable  of  fur- 
ther resistance,  came  without  hesitation  to  the 
assistance  of  his  comrade,  and  thus  the  decisive 
superiority  was  brought  on  by  odds  of  num- 
bers, which  contradicts  all  our  common  ideas 
of  honour  or  of  gallantry. 

Such  were  the  rules  of  the  duel,  as  these 
single  combats  were  called.  The  fashion  came 
from  France  to  England,  and  was  adopted  by 
the  Scots  and  English  as  the  readiest  way  of 
settling  their  national  quarrels,  which  became 
very  numerous. 

One  of  the  most  noted  of  these  was  the 
bloody  and  fatal  conflict  between  Sir  James 
Stevv'^art,  son  of  the  first  Lord  Blantyre,  a  Scot- 
tish Knight  of  the  Bath,  and  Sir  George  Whar- 
ton, an  Englishman,  eldest  son  of  Lord  Whar- 
ton, a  Knight  of  the  same  order.  These  gen- 
tlemen were  friends  :  and,  if  family  report 
speaks  truth.  Sir  James  Stewart  was  one  of 
the  most  accomplished  young  men  of  his  time. 


46    ATTEMPT  TO  ASSASSINATE  LORD  HERBERT. 

A  trifling  dispute  at  play  led  to  uncivil  expres- 
sions on  the  part  of  Wharton,  to  which  Stewart 
answered  by  a  blow.  A  defiance  was  exchang- 
ed on  the  spot,  and  they  resolved  to  light  next 
day  at  an  appointed  place  near  Waltham.  This 
fatal  appointment  made,  they  carried  their  re- 
sentment with  a  show  of  friendship,  and  drank 
some  wine  together ;  after  finishing  which, 
Wharton  observed  to  his  opponent,  "  Our  next 
meeting  will  not  part  so  easily."  The  fatal  ren- 
counter took  place ;  both  gentlemen  fought  with 
the  most  determined  courage,  and  both  fell 
with  many  wounds,  and  died  on  the  field  of 
battle. 

Sometimes  the  rage  and  passion  of  the  gal- 
lants of  the  day  did  not  take  the  fairest,  but  the 
shortest'  road  to  revenge  ;  and  the  courtiers  of 
James  I.,  men  of  honourable  birth  and  title, 
were  in  some  instances,  addicted  to  attack  an 
enemy  by  surprise,  without  regard  to  the  pre- 
vious appointment  of  a  place  of  meeting,  or  any 
regulation  as  to  the  number  of  the  combatants. 
Nay,  it  seems  as  if,  on  occasions  of  special  pro- 
vocation, the  English  did  not  disdain  to  use  the 
swords  of  hired  assassins  in  aid  of  their  revenge, 
and  all  the  punctilios  of  equality  of  arms  or 
numbers  were  set  aside  as  idle  ceremonies. 

Sir  John  Ayres,  a  man  of  rank  and  fortune, 
entertained  jealousy  of  Lord  Herbert  of  Cher- 
bury,  celebrated  as  a  soldier  and  })hiiosopher, 
from  having  discovered  that  his  wife,  Lady 
Ayres,  wore  around  her  neck  the  picture  of  that 
high  spirited  and  accomplished  nobleman.  In- 
censed by  the  suspiciona  thus  excited,  Sir  John 


ATTEMPT  TO  ASSASSINATE  LORD  HERBERT.    47 


A\  atched  Lord  Herbert,  and,  meeting  him  on  his 
return  from  court,  attended  by  only  two  ser- 
vants, he  attacked  him  furiously,  backed  by 
four  of  his  followers  with  drawn  weapons,  and 
attended  by  many  others,  who,  though  they  did 
not  directly  unsheath  their  swords,  yet  served 
to  lend  countenance  to  the  assault.  Lord  Her- 
bert was  thrown  down  under  his  horse  ;  his 
sword,  with  which  he  endeavoured  to  defend 
himself,  was  broken  in  his  hand ;  and  the 
weight  of  the  horse  prevented  him  from  rising. 
One  of  his  lacqueys  ran  away  on  seeing  his 
master  attacked  by  such  odds  ;  the  other  stood 
by  him,  and  released  his  foot,  which  was  en- 
tangled in  the  stirrup.  At  this  moment  Sir 
John  Ayres  was  standing  over  him,  and  in  the 
act  of  attempting  to  plunge  his  sword  into  his 
body  ;  but  Lord  Herbert,  catching  him  by  the 
legs,  brought  him  also  to  the  ground,  and  al- 
though the  young  lord  had  but  a  fragment  of 
his  sword  remaining,  he  struck  his  unmanly 
antagonist  with  such  force  on  the  stomach  as 
deprived  him  of  the  power  to  prosecute  his 
bloody  purpose  ;  and  some  of  Lord  Herbert's 
friends  coming  up,  the  assassin  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  withdraw,  vomiting  blood  in  conse- 
quence of  the  blow  he  had  received. 

This  scuffle  lasted  for  some  time  in  the 
streets  of  London,  without  any  person  feeling 
himself  called  upon  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  the 
weaker  party ;  and  Sir  John  Ayres  seems  to 
have  entertained  no  shame  for  the  enterprise, 
but  only  regret  that  it  had  not  succeeded.  Lord 
Herbert  sent  him  a  challenge  as  soon  as  his 


*8  INSTIGATION    OF    LOFU)    SANCiUHAR. 

wounds  were  in  the  way  of  being  cured ;  and 
the  gentleman  who  bore  it,  placed  the  letter  on 
the  point  of  his  sword,  and  in  that  manner 
delivered  it  publicly  to  the  person  whom  he 
addressed.  Sir  John  Ayres  replied,  that  the 
injury  he  had  received  from  Lord  Herbert  was 
of  such  a  nature,  that  he  would  not  consent  to 
any  terms  of  fair  play,  but  would  shoot  him 
from  a  window  with  a  musket  if  he  could  find 
an  opportunity.  Lord  Herbert  j^rotests,  in  his 
Memoirs,  that  there  was  no  cause  given  on  his 
part  for  the  jealousy  which  drove  Sir  John 
Ayres  to  such  desperate  measures  of  revenge. 

A  still  more  noted  case  of  cruel  vengeance, 
and  which  served  to  embitter  the  general  hatred 
against  the  Scots,  was  a  crime  committed  by 
Lord  Sanquhar,  a  nobleman  of  that  country, 
the  representative  of  the  ancient  family  of 
Creichton.  This  young  lord,  in  fencing  with 
a  man  called  Turner,  a  teacher  of  the  science  of 
defence,  had  the  misfortune  to  be  deprived  of 
an  eye  by  the  accidental  thrust  of  a  foil.  The 
mishap  was,  doubtless,  both  distressing  and 
provoking ;  but  there  was  no  room  to  blame 
Turner,  by  whom  no  injury  had  been  intended, 
and  who  greatly  regretted  the  accident. 

One  or  two  years  after  this.  Lord  Sanquhar 
being  at  the  court  of  France,  Henry  IV.  then 
king,  asked  him  how  he  had  lost  his  eye. 
Lord  Sanquhar,  not  wishing  to  dwell  on  the 
subject,  answered  in  general  terms,  that  it 
was  by  the  thrust  of  a  sword.  "  Does  the  man 
who  did  the  injury  still  live  ?"  asked  the  king  ; 
and  the  unhappy  question  impressed  it  indeli- 


INSTIGATION    OF    LORD    SANQUHAR.  49 

bly  upon  the  heart  oi*  the  infatuated  Lord  San- 
quhar, that  his  honour  required  the  death  of  the 
poor  fencing-master.  Accordingly,  he  des- 
patched his  page  and  another  of  his  followers, 
who  pistolled  Turner  in  his  own  school.  The 
murderers  were  taken,  and  acknowledged  thej- 
had  been  employed  to  do  the  deed  by  their  lord 
whose  commands,  they  said,  they  had  been 
bred  up  to  hold  as  indisputable  warrants  for  the 
execution  of  whatever  he  might  enjoin. 

All  the  culprits  being  brought  to  trial  and 
condemned,  much  interest  was  made  for  Lord 
Sanquhar,  who  was  a  young  man,  it  is  said,  of 
eminent  parts.  But  to  have  pardoned  him 
would  have  argued  too  gross  a  partiality  in 
James  towards  his  countrymen  and  original 
subjects.  He  was  hanged,  therefore,  along 
with  his  two  associates  ;  which  Lord  Bacon 
termed  the  most  exemplary  piece  of  justice  in 
any  king's  reign. 

To  sum  up  the  account  of  these  acts  of  vio- 
lence, they  gave  occasion  to  a  severe  law, 
called  the  statute  of  stabbing.  Hitherto,  in 
the  mild  spirit  of  English  jurisprudence,  the 
crime  of  a  person  slaying  another  without  pre- 
meditation only  amounted  to  the  lesser  denomi- 
nation of  murder,  which  the  law  calls  man- 
slaughter, and  which  had  been  only  punishable 
by  fine  and  imprisonment.  But,  to  check  the 
use  of  short  $words  and  poniards,  Aveapons 
easily  concealed,  and  capable  of  being  suddenly 
produced,  it  was  provided  that  if  any  one, 
though  without  forethought  or  premeditation, 
with  sword  or  dagger,  attacked   and  wounded 

VOL.    I.  5 


50  MURDER    OF    TURNER. 

another  whose  weapon  was  not  drawn,  of 
which  wound  the  party  should  die  within  six 
months  after  receiving  it,  the  crime  should  not 
be  accounted  homicide,  but  rise  into  the  higher 
class  of  murder,  and  be  as  such  punished  with 
death  accordingly 


[    51     ] 


CHAP.  III. 

Attempt  of  James  to  reduce  the  Institutions  of 
Scotland  to  a  state  of  Uniformity  with  those 
of  England — Commissioners  appointed  to 
effect  this — the  Project  fails — Distinctions 
between  the  Forms  of  Church  Government 
in  the  two  Countries — Introduction  of  Epis- 
copacy into  the  Scottish  Church — Fine  arti- 
cles of  Perth — Dissatisfaction  of  the  People 
with  these  Innovations. 

While  the  quarrels  of  the  English  and 
Scottish  nobility  disturbed  the  comfort  of 
James  the  First's  reign,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  the  monarch  applied  himself  with  some 
diligence  to  cement  as  much  as  possible  the 
union  of  the  two  kingdoms,  and  to  impart  to 
each  such  advantages  as  they  might  be  found 
capable  of  borrowing  from  the  other. 

The  love  of  power,  natural  to  him  as  a 
sovereign,  combined  with  a  sincere  wish  for' 
what  would  be  most  advantageous  to  both 
countries — for  James,  when  not  carried  off  by 
his  love  of  idle  pleasures,  and  the  influence  of 
unworthy  favourites,  possessed  the  power  of 
seeing,  and  the  disposition  to  advance,  the  in- 
terests of  his  subjects — alike  induced  him  to 
accelerate,  by  every  means,  the  uniting  the 
two  separate  portions  of  Britain  into  one  solid 
and  inseparable  state,  for  which  nature  design- 
ed the  inhabitants  of  the  same  island.     He  was 


62  STATUTE    or    STABBING. 

not  negligent  in  adopting  measures  tQ  attain  so 
desirable  an  object,  though  circumstances  de- 
ferred the  accomplishment  of  his  wishes  till 
the  lapse  of  a  century.  To  explain  the  nature 
of  his  attempt,  and  the  causes  of  its  failure,  we 
must  consider  the  respective  condition  of  Eng- 
land and  Scotland  as  regarded  their  political 
institutions. 

The  long  and  bloody  wars  between  the 
houses  of  York  and  Lancaster,  who,  for  more 
than  thirty  years,  contended  for  the  throne  of 
England,  had,  by  slaughter  in  numerous  bat- 
tles, by  repeated  proscriptions,  public  execu- 
tions, and  forfeitures,  reduced  to  a  compara- 
tively inconsiderable  number,  and  to  a  much 
greater  state  of  disability  and  weakness,  the 
nobility  and  great  gentry  of  the  kingdom,  by 
whom  the  crown  had  been  alternately  bestowed 
on  one  or  other  of  the  contending  parties. 

Henry  the  Seventh,  a  wise  and  subtle  prince, 
had,  by  his  success  in  the  decisive  battle  of 
Bosworth,  attained  a  secure  seat  upon  the  Eng- 
lish throne.  He  availed  himself  of  the  weak 
state  of  the  peers  and  barons,  to  undermine 
and  destroy  the  influence  which  the  feudal  sys- 
tem had  formerly  given  them  over  their  vassals; 
and  they  submitted  to  this  diminution  of  their 
authority,  as  men  who  felt  that  the  stormy  in- 
dependence possessed  by  their  ancestors  had 
cost  them  very  dear,  and  that  it  was  better  to 
live  at  ease  under  the  king,  as  a  common  head 
of  the  state,  than  to  possess  the  ruinous  power 
of  petty  sovereigns,  each  on  liis  own  estate, 
making  war  upon,  and   ruining  others,  and  in- 


AT    THE    ACCESSION    OF    JAMES.  53 

curring  destruction  themselves.  They  there- 
fore relinquished,  without  much  open  discon- 
tent, most  of  their  oppressive  rights  of  so- 
vereignty over  their  vassals,  and  were  satisfied 
to  be  honoured  and  respected  masters  of  their 
own  lands,  without  retaining  the  power  of 
princes  over  those  who  cultivated  them.  They 
exacted  rents  from  their  tenants  instead  of  ser- 
vice in  battle,  and  attendance  in  peace,  and  be- 
came peaceful  and  wealthy,  instead  of  being 
great  and  turbulent. 

As  the  nobles  sunk  in  consideration,  the  citi- 
zens of  the  towns  and  sea-ports,  and  the  smaller 
gentry  and  cultivators  of  the  soil,  increased  in 
importance  as  well  as  in  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness. These  commoners  felt,  indeed,  and 
sometimes  murmured  against,  the  ascendence 
acquired  by  the  king,  but  were  conscious  at  the 
same  time,  that  it  was  the  crown  which  had  re- 
lieved them  from  the  far  more  vexatious  and 
frequent  exactions  of  their  late  feudal  lords  ; 
and  as  the  burden  fell  equally  on  all,  they  were 
better  contented  to  live  under  the  sway  of  one 
king,  who  imposed  the  national  burdens  on  the 
people  at  large,  than  under  that  of  a  number  of 
proud  lords.  Henry  VII.  availed  himself  of 
these  favourable  dispositions,  to  raise  large 
taxes,  which  he  partly  hoarded  up  for  occa- 
sions of  emergency,  and  partly  expended  on 
levying  bands  of  soldiers,  both  foreign  and  do- 
mestic, by  whom  he  carried  on  such  wars  as  he 
engaged  in,  without  finding  any  necessity  to 
call  out  the  feudal  array  of  the  kingdom. 

Henry  VIH.  was  a  prince  of  a  very  different 
5* 


54  STATE    OF    ENGLAND 

temper,  and  yet  his  reign  contributed  greatly 
to  extend  and  confirm  the  power  of  the  crown. 
He  expended,  indeed,  the  treasures  of  his  fa- 
ther ;  but  he  replenished  them,  in  a  great  mea- 
sure, by  the  spoils  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  and  he  confirmed  the  usurpation  of  ar- 
biii  ary  authority,  by  the  vigour  with  which  he 
wifclded  it.  The  tyranny  which  he  exercised 
i,n  his  family  and  court,  was  unfelt  by  the  citi- 
zens and  common  people,  with  whom  he  con- 
tinued to  be  rather  popular  from  his  splendour, 
than  dreaded  from  his  violence.  His  power 
wrested  from  them,  in  the  shape  of  compulsory 
loans  and  benevolences,  large  sums  of  money 
which  he  was  not  entitled  to  by  the  grant  of 
parliament ;  but  though  he  could  not  directly 
compel  them  to  pay  such  exactions,  yet  he 
could  exert,  as  in  the  case  of  Alderman  Read, 
the  power  of  sending  the  refusing  party  to  Im 
dergo  the  dangers  and  hardships  of  foreign  ser- 
vice, which  most  wealthy  citizens  thought  still 
harder  than  the  alternative  of  paying  a  sum  of 
money. 

The  reign  of  the  English  Queen  Mary  was 
short  and  inglorious,  but  she  pursued  the  arbi- 
trary steps  of  her  father,  and  in  no  degree  re- 
laxed the  power  which  the  crown  had  acquired 
since  the  accession  of  Henry  VII.  That  ol 
Elizabeth  went  considerably  to  increase  it.  The 
success  of  the  Avise  measures  which  she  adopted 
for  maintaining  the  Protestant  religion,  and 
making  the  power  of  England  respected  by 
foreign  states,  flattered  the  vanity,  and  concili- 
ated the  affections,  of  her  subjects.     The  wis- 


AT    THE    ACCESSION    OF    JAMES.  5b 

dom  and  economy  with  which  she  distributed 
the  treasures  of  the  state,  added  to  the  general 
disposition  of  her  subjects  to  place  them  at  her 
command  ;  and  the  arbitrary  authority  which 
her  grandfather  acquired  by  subtlety,  which  her 
father  maintained  by  violence,  and  which  her 
sister*  preserved  by  bigotry,  was  readily  con- 
ceded to  Elizabeth  by  the  love  and  esteem  of 
her  people.  It  was,  moreover,  to  be  consider- 
ed, that,  like  the  rest  of  the  Tudor  family,  the 
Queen  nourished  high  ideas  of  royal  preroga 
tive  ;  and  when  thwarted  in  her  wishes  by  any 
opposition,  not  unfrequently  called  to  lively  re- 
collection, both  by  expression  and  action,  whose 
daughter  she  was. 

In  a  Avord,  the  almost  absolute  authority  of 
the  House  of  Tudor  may  be  understood  from 
the  single  circumstance,  that  although  religion 
is  the  point  on  which  men  do,  and  ought  to 
think  their  individual  feelings  and  sentiments 
particularly  at  liberty,  yet,  at  the  arbitrary  will 
of  the  sovereign,  the  Church  of  England  was 
disjoined  from  that  of  Rome  by  Henry  the 
Eighth,  was  restored  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith  by  Queen  Mary,  and  again  declared  Pro- 
testant by  Elizabeth  ;  and  on  each  occasion  the 
change  was  effected  without  any  commotion  or 
resistance  beyond  what  was  soon  put  down  by 
the  power  of  the  Crown. 

Thus,  on  succeeding  to  the  English  throne, 
James  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  nobility 
who  had  lost  both  the  habit  and  power  of  re- 
sisting the  will  of  the  sovereign,  and  of  a  weal- 
thy body  of  commons,  who  satisiied  with  being 


5(5  STATE    OF    ENGLAND 

liberated  from  the  power  of  the  aristocracy, 
were  little  disposed  to  insist  the  exactions  of 
the  crown. 

His  ancient  kingdom  of  Scotland  was  in  a 
directly  different  situation.  The  feudal  nobility 
had  retained  their  territorial  jurisdictions,  and 
their  signorial  privileges,  in  as  full  extent  as 
their  ancestors  had  possessed  them,  and  there- 
fore had  the  power  at  once  and  the  inclination 
to  resist  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  sovereign,  as 
James  himself  had  felt  on  more  occasions  than 
one.  Thus,  though  the  body  of  the  people  had 
not  the  same  protection  from  just  and  equal 
laws,  as  was  the  happy  lot  of  the  inhabitants  of 
England,  and  Avere  less  wealthy,  yet  the  spirit 
of  the  constitution  possessed  all  the  freedom 
w^hich  was  inlicrent  in  the  ancient  feudal  insti- 
tutions, and  it  was  impossible  for  the  monarch 
so  to  influence  the  parliament  of  the  country, 
as  to  accomplisli  any  considerable  encroach- 
ment on  the  privileges  of  the  nation. 

It  was  therefore  obvious,  that  besides  the 
numerous  reasons  of  a  public  nature  for  uniting 
South  and  North  Britain  under  a  similar  system 
of  government,  James  saw  a  strong  personal 
interest  for  reducing  the  turbulent  nobles  and 
people  of  Scotland  to  the  same  submissive  and  ,  ^ 
quiet  state  in  which  he  found  England,  but  in>>,  1^ 
which  it  was  not  his  good  fortune  to  leave  it. 
With  this  view  he  proposed,  that  the  Legisla- 
ture of  both  nations  should  appoint  Commis- 
sioners, to  consider  the  terms  on  M'hich  it  might 
be  possible  to  unite  them  under  the  same  con- 
stitution.    With  some  difficulty  on  both  sides. 


AT    THE    ACCESSION    OF    JAMES.  57 

the  Parliament  of  England  was  prevailed  on  to 
name  forty-four  Commissioners,  while  the 
Scottish  Parliament  apj^ointed  thirty-six,  to 
consider  this  important  subject. 

The  very  first  conference  showed  how  im- 
possible* it  was  to  accomplish  the  desired  ob- 
ject, until  time  should  have  removed  or  soften- 
ed those  prejudices  on  both  sides,  which  had 
long  existed  during  the  state  of  separation  and 
hostility  betwixt  the  two  nations.  The  English 
Commissioners  demanded,  as  a  preliminary  sti- 
pulation, that  the  whole  system  of  English  law 
should  be  at  once  extended  to  Scotland.  The 
Scots  rejected  the  proposal  with  disdain,  justly 
alleging,  that  nothing  less  than  absolute  con- 
quest by  force  of  arms  could  authorize  the  sub- 
jection of  an  independent  nation  to  the  customs 
and  laws  of  a  foreign  country.  The  treaty, 
therefore,  was  in  a  great  degree  shipwrecked 
at  the  very  commencement — the  proposal  for 
the  union  was  suffered  to  fall  asleep,  and  the 
King  had  the  disadvantage  of  having  excited 
the  suspicions  and  fears  of  the  Scottish  lawyers, 
who  had  been  threatened  with  the  total  de 
struction  of  their  profession.  And  the  profes- 
sion of  the  law,  which  must  be  influential  in 
every  government,  was  particularly  so  in  Scot 
land,  as  it  was  chiefly  practised  by  the  sons  of 
the  higher  class  of  gentry. 

Though  in  a  great  measure  disappointed  in 
his  measures  for  eflecting  a  general  union  and 
correspondence  of  laws  between  the  two  na- 
tions, James  remained  extremely  desirous  to 
obtain  at  least  an  ecclesiastical  co-nf{)rnri<v  of 


58  INTRODUCTION    OF    EPISCOPACY 

opinion,  by  bringing  the  form  and  constitution 
of  the  Scottish  Church  as  near  as  possible  to 
that  of  England.  What  he  attempted  and  ac- 
complished in  this  respect,  forms  an  important 
part  of  the  history  of  his  reign,  and  gave  occa- 
sion to  some  of  the  most  remarkable  and  ca- 
lamitous events  in  that  of  his  successor. 

I  must  remind  you,  my  dear  child,  that  the  Re- 
formation was  effected  by  very  different  agency 
in  England,  from  what  operated  a  similar 
change  in  Scotland.  The  new  plans  of  church 
government  adopted  in  the  two  nations  did  not 
in  the  least  resemble  each  other,  although  the 
doctrines  which  they  teach  are  so  nearly  alike, 
that  little  distinction  can  be  traced,  save  what 
is  of  a  very  subtle  and  metaphysical  character. 
But  the  outward  forms  of  the  two  churches  are 
totally  different. 

You  must  remember  that  the  Reformation 
of  the  church  of  England  was  originally  brought 
about  by  Henry  VIII.,  whose  principal  object 
was  to  destroy  the  dependence  of  the  clergy 
upon  the  Pope,  and  transfer  to  himself,  whom 
he  declared  Head  of  the  Church  in  his  own  legal 
right,  all  the  authority  and  influence  which  had 
formerly  been  enjoyed  by  the  Papal  See.  When, 
therefore,  Henry  had  destroyed  the  monastic 
establishments,  and  confiscated  their  posses- 
sions; and  had  reformed  such  doctrines  of  the 
church  as  he  judged  required  amendment,  it 
became  his  object  to  preserve  her  general  con- 
stitution, and  the  gradation  of  inferior  and  su- 
perior clergy,  by  whom  her  functions  were 
administered,  because  the   promotion  was  in  a 


INTO    THE    SCOTTISH    CHURCH.  &9 

great  measure  distributed  by  the  hands  of  the 
king  himself,  to  whom,  therefore,  the  inferior 
clere;y  must  naturally  be  attached  by  hope  of 
preferment,  and  the  superior  orders  by  grati- 
tude and  the  expectation  of  farther  advance- 
ment. »  The  order  of  bishops,  in  particular, 
raised  to  that  rank  by  the  crown,  and  enjoying 
seats  in  the  House  of  Lords,  must  be  supposed, 
on  most  occasions,  willing  to  espouse  the  cause, 
and  forward  the  views  of  the  King,  in  such  de- 
bates as  might  occur  in  that  assembly. 

The  Reformation  in  Scotland  had  taken 
place  by  a  sudden  popular  impulse,  and  the 
form  of  church  government  adopted  by  Knox, 
and  the  other  preachers  under  whose  influence 
it  had  been  accomplished,  v.as  studiously  made 
as  different  as  possible  from  the  Roman  hierar- 
chy. The  Presbyterian  system,  as  I  said  in  a 
former  chapter,  was  upon  the  model  of  the 
purest  republican  simplicity  ;  the  brethren  who 
served  the  altar  claimed  and  allowed  of  no  su- 
periority of  ranks,  and  of  no  influence  but  what 
individuals  might  attach  to  themselves  by  supe- 
rior worth  or  superior  talent.  The  represen- 
tatives Avho  formed  their  church  courts  were 
selected  by  plurality  of  votes,  and  no  other  head 
of  the  church,  visible  or  invisible,  was  acknow- 
ledged, save  the  blessed  Founder  of  the  Chris- 
tian Religion,  in  whose  name  the  church  courts 
of  Scotland  were  convoked  and  dismissed. 

Over  a  body  so  constituted,  the  King  could 
have  little  influence  or  power ;  nor  did  James 
acquire  any  by  his  personal  conduct.  It  was, 
indeed,  partly  by  the  influence  of  the  clergy 


INTRODUCTION    OF    EPISCOPACY 


that  he  had  been  in  infancy  placed  upon  the 
throne ;  but,  as  their  conduct  in  this  was  re- 
garded by  James,  in  his  secret  soul,  as  an  act 
of  rebellion  against  his  mother's  authority,  he 
gave  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  little  thanks  for 
what  they  had  done.  It  must  be  OAvned  the 
preachers  did  nothing  to  conciliate  his  favour ; 
for,  although  they  had  no  legal  call  to  speak 
their  sentiments  upon  public  and  political  af- 
fairs, they  yet  entered  into  them  without  cere- 
mony. The  pulpits  rang  with  invectives 
against  the  King's  ministers,  and  sometimes 
against  the  King  himself;  and  the  more  hot- 
headed among  the  clergy  were  disposed  not 
only  to  thwart  James's  inclinations,  and  put  the 
worst  construction  upon  his  intentions,  but 
even  publicly  to  insult  him  in  their  sermons^ 
and  favour  the  insurrections  attempted  by 
Stewart  Earl  of  Bothwell,  and  others,  against 
his  authority. — They  often  entertained  him  with 
violent  invectives  against  his  mother's  memo- 
ry ;  and,  it  is  said,  that  on  one  occasion,  when 
the  King,  losing  patience,  commanded  one  of 
these  zealots  either  to  speak  sense  or  come 
down  from  the  pulpit,  the  preacher  replied  to 
this  request,  which  one  would  have  thought 
very  reasonable,  "  I  tell  thee,  man,  I  will  nei- 
ther speak  sense  nor  come  down." 

James  did  not  see  that  these  acts  of  petulance 
and  contumacy  arose,  in  a  great  measure,  from 
the  suspicions  which  the  Scottish  clergy  justly 
entertained,  of  his  desiring  to  innovate  upon 
the  Presbyterian  model,  and  hastily  concluded, 
that  their  conduct,  whicli  war^  the  result  of  mu- 


INTO    THE    SCOTTISH    CHURCH.         •      Gl 


tual  je^rloiisies,  was  essential  to  the  character  of 
lac  peculiar  form  of  church  government,  and 
that  the  spirit  of  Presbytery  was  in  itself  inimi- 
cal to  a  monarchial  establishment. 

As  soon,  therefore,  as  he  obtained  the  high 
increase  6f  power  which  arose  from  his  ac- 
cession to  the  English  throne,  he  set  himself 
gradually  to  new-model  the  Scottish  Church, 
so  as  to  bring  it  nearer  that  of  England.  But 
the  suspicions  of  the  Presbyterian  clergy  M^ere 
constantly  alive  to  their  sovereign's  intentions. 
It  Avas  in  vain  he  endeavoured  to  avail  himself 
of  the  institution  of  an  order  of  men  called  Su- 
perintendents, to  whom  the  book  of  discipline, 
drawn  up  by  Knox  himself,  had  assigned  a  sort 
of  presidency  in  certain  cases,  with  power  of 
inspecting  the  merits  of  the  clergy.  By  this 
course  James  endeavoured  to  introduce  a  sort 
of  permanent  presidents  into  the  several  Pres- 
byteries. But  the  clergy  clearly  saw  his  ulti- 
mate object.  "  Busk  it  up  as  bonnily  as  you 
will,  (they  said,)  bring  it  in  as  fairly  as  you  can, 
we  see  the  horns  of  the  mitre  ;"  and  the  horns 
of  the  mitre  were,  to  their  apprehension,  as 
odious  as  the  horns  of  the  Pope's  tiara,  or 
those  of  Satan  himself.  At  last  the  king  ven- 
tured on  a  decisive  stroke.  He  named  thirteen 
bishops,  and  obtained  the  consent  of  Parlia- 
ment for  restoring  them  to  the  small  remains 
of  their  dilapidated  bishoprics.  The  other 
bishoprics,  seventeen  in  number,  were  con- 
verted into  temporal  lordships. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that   the  leaders  of  the 
Presbyterian  clergy  showed   the   utmost  skill 

Vol.  I.  ^^      6 


62  INTRODUCTION    OF    EPISCOPACY. 

and  courage  in  the  defence  of  the  immunities 
of  their  church.  They  were  endeared  to  the 
people  by  the  purity  of  their  lives,  by  the  depth 
of  learning  possessed  by  some,  and  the  power- 
ful talents  exhibited  by  others  :  above  all,  per- 
haps, by  the  willingness  with  which  they  sub- 
mitted to  poverty,  penalties,  and  banishment, 
rather  than  betray  the  cause  which  they  con- 
sidered as  sacred. 

The  King  had  in  1605  openly  asserted  his 
right  to  call  and  to  dissolve  the  General  Assem- 
blies of  the  Church.  Several  of  the  clergy,  in 
contempt  of  the  monarch,  summoned  and  at- 
tended a  General  Assembly  at  Aberdeen.  The 
opportunity  was  taken  to  chastise  the  refractory 
clergymen.  Five  of  their  number  were  punished 
with  banishment.  In  1(506,  the  two  celebrated 
preachers  named  Melville  were  summoned  be- 
fore the  Council,  and  upbraided  by  the  King 
with  their  resistance  to  his  will.  They  defended 
themselves  with  courage,  and  claimed  the  right 
of  being  tried  by  the  laws  of  Scotland,  a  free 
kingdom,  having  laws  and  privileges  of  its 
own.  But  the  elder  Melville  furnished  a  han- 
dle against  them  by  his  own  imprudence. 

In  a  debate  before  the  Privy  Council,  con- 
cerning a  Latin  copy  of  verses,  which  Andrew 
Melville  had  written  in  derision  of  the  cere- 
monies of  the  Church  of  England,  he  gave  w-ay 
to  indecent  violence,  seized  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  by  the  lawn  sleeves,  which  he 
shook,  calling  them  Romish  rags,  and  charged 
the  prelate  as  a  breaker  of  the  Sabbath,  the 
maintainer  of  an  anti-christian  hierarchy,  the 


FIVE    ARTICLES    OF    PERTH.  63 

persecutor  of  true  preachers,  the  enemy  of  re- 
formed churches,  and  proclaimed  himself  his 
mortal  enemy  to  the  last  drop  of  his  blood. 
This  indiscretion  and  violence  afforded  a  pre- 
text for  committing  the  hot  old  Presbyterian 
divine  to  the  Tower;  and  he  was  afterwards 
exiled,  and  died  at  Sedan.  The  younger  Mel- 
ville was  confined  to  Berwick,  several  other 
clergymen  were  banished  from  their  parishes  to 
remote  parts,  arid  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  for  the 
time  was  reduced  to  reluctant  submission  to 
the  King's  will.  Thus  the  order  of  bishops 
was  once  more  introduced  into  the  Scottish 
Church. 

James's  projects  of  innovation  were  not  en- 
tirely accomplished  by  the  introduction  of  prela- 
cy. The  Church  of  England,  at  the  reformation, 
had  retained  some  particular  rites  in  observ- 
ance, which  had  decency  at  least  to  recom- 
mend them,  but  vrhich  the  headlong  opposition 
of  the  Presbyterians  to  every  thing  approach- 
ing to  the  Popish  ritual  induced  them  to  reject 
with  horror.  Five  of  these  were  introduced  in- 
to Scotland,  by  an  enactment  passed  by  a 
parliament  held  at  Perth,  and  thence  distin- 
guished as  the  Five  Articles  of  Penh. 

In  modern  times,  when  the  mere  ceremonial 
part  of  divine  worship  is  supposed  to  be  of  lit- 
tle consequence,  compared  with  the  temper  and 
spirit  in  which  we  approach  the  Deity,  the 
Five  Articles  of  Perth  seem  to  involve  matters 
which  might  be  dispensed  or  complied  with, 
without  being  considered  as  essential  to  sal- 
vation.    They  v/ere  as  follow : — I.  It  was  or' 


64  FIVE    ARTICLES    OF    PERTH. 

dained  that  the  communion  should  be  received 
in  a  kneeling  posture,  and  not  sitting,  as  hither- 
to practised  in  the  Scottish  churches.  II.  That, 
in  extreme  cases,  the  communion  might  be  ad- 
ministered in  private.  III.  That  baptism  also- 
might,  when  necessary,  be  administered  in  pri- 
vate. IV.  That  youth,  as  they  grew  up,  should 
be  confirmed,  as  it  is  termed,  by  the  bishop ; 
being  a  kind  of  personal  avowal  of  the  engage- 
ments entered  into  by  godfathers  and  god- 
mothers at  the  time  of  baptism.  V.  That  four 
days,  distinguished  by  events  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  the  Christian  religion,  should  be 
observed  as  holidays.  These  were  Christmas, 
on  which  day  our  Saviour  was  born ;  Good 
Friday,  when  he  suffered  death  ;  Easter,  when 
he  arose  from  the  dead ;  and  Pentecost,  when 
the  Holy  Spirit  descended  on  the  Apostles. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  moderate  character 
of  these  innovations,  tlie  utmost  difficulty  was 
found  in  persuading  even  those  of  the  Scottisli 
clergy  who  were  most  favourable  to  the  King 
to  receive  them  into  the  church,  and  they  only 
did  so  on  the  assurance  that  they  should  not 
be  required  to  adopt  any  additional  changes. 
The  main  body  of  the  churchmen,  though  ter- 
rified into  sullen  acquiescence,  were  unani- 
mous in  opinion  that  the  new  regulations  indi- 
cated a  manifest  return  towards  Popery.  The 
common  people  held  the  same  opinion ;  and  a 
thunder-storm  of  unusual  violence,  which  took 
place  at  the  time  the  parliament  was  sitting  for 
the  adoption  of  these  obnoxious  articles,  was 
considered   as  a  declaration   of  t])0  wrath  of 


FIVE    ARTICLES    OF    PERTH.  65 

Heaven  against  those,  who  were  again  intro- 
ducing the  rites  and  festivals  of  the  Roman 
Church  into  the  pure  and  reformed  Kirk  of 
Scotland.  In  short,  this  attempt  to  infuse  into 
the  Presbyterian  model  something  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  a  moderate  prelacy,  was  generally  un- 
acceptable to  the  church  and  to  the  nation  ;  and 
it  will  be  hereafter  shown,  that  an  endeavour  to 
extend  and  heighten  the  ediiice  which  his 
father  had  commenced,  led  the  way  to  those 
acts  of  violence  which  cost  Charles  I.  his  throne 
and  life. 

6* 


[     66     ] 


CHAP.  IV. 

Disorderly  State  of  the  Borders— Characteris- 
tic Example  of  Border  Match-making — 
Deadly  Feud  between  the  Maxwells  a7id  John- 
stones — Battle  of  Dryffc  Sands — Jameses 
power  of  enforcing  the  Laws  increased  after 
tiis  accession  to  the  English  Throne — Mea- 
sures for  restraining  the  Border  Marauders 
— The  Clan  Graham  removed  from  the  De- 
hateahle  Land  to  Ulster  in  Ireland — Levies  of 
Soldiers  to  serve  in  Foreign  Parts — Mutual 
Bonds  among  the  Chiefs  for  the  Preservation 
of  good  order — Severe  Prosecution  of  of- 
fenders—  The  Town  of  Berwick-upon-'Tweed 
an  Independent  Jurisdiction. 

We  are  next  to  examine  the  effect  which 
James's  accession  to  the  throne  of  England  had 
upon  those  hiwless  parts  of  his  kingdom,  the 
Borders  and  the  Highlands,  as  well  as  on  the 
more  civilized  provinces  of  Scotland — of  which 
I  shall  take  notice  in  their  order. 

The  consequences  of  the  union  of  the  crowns 
were  more  immediately  felt  on  the  Borders, 
which,  from  being  the  extremity  of  both  coun- 
tries, were  now  converted  into  the  centre  of  the 
kingdom.  But  it  was  not  easy  to  see,  how  the 
restless  and  violent  inhabitants,  who  had  been 
for  so  many  centuries  accustomed  to  a  lawless 
and  military  life,  were  to  conduct  themselves, 
when  the  general  peace  around  left  them  no 


BORDER    r.IATCil-MAKlNG.  67 

enemies  cither  to  fight  with  or  plunder.  These 
Borderers  were,  as  I  have  elsewhere  told  you, 
divided  into  families,  or  clans,  who  followed  a 
leader  supposed  to  be  descended  from  the  ori- 
ginal fi^ther  of  the  tribe.  They  lived  in  a 
great  measure  by  the  rapine,  which  they  exer- 
cised indiscriminately  on  the  English,  or  their 
own  countrymen,  the  inhabitants  of  the  more 
inland  districts,  or  by  the  protection-money 
which  they  exacted  for  leaving  them  undis- 
turbed. This  kind  of  plundering  w^as  esteem 
ed  by  them  in  the  highest  degree  honourable 
and  praiseworthy  ;  and  the  following,  as  well 
as  many  other  curious  stories,  is  an  example  of 
this  : — 

A  young  gentleman,  of  a  distinguished  family 
belonging  to  one  of  these  Border  tribes,  or 
clans,  made,  either  from  the  desire  of  pluhder, 
or  from  revenge,  a  raid,  or  incursion,  upon  the 
lands  of  Sir  Gideon  Murray  of  Elibank,  after- 
v^'ards  deputy-treasurer  of  Scotland,  and  a 
great  favourite  of  James  VI.  The  Laird  of 
Elibank,  having  got  his  people  under  arms,  en- 
gaged the  invaders,  and,  encountering  them 
when  they  were  encumbered  with  spoil,  defeated 
them,  and  made  the  leader  of  the  band  prisoner. 

He  was  brought  to  the  castle  of  his  con- 
querer,  when  the  lady  inquired  of  her  victori- 
ous husband  "  what  he  intended  to  do  with  his 
captive  ?" — "  Hang  him,  dame,  as  a  man  taken 
redhand  in  the  act  of  robbery  and  violence." — 
"  That  is  not  like  your  wisdom.  Sir  Gideon," 
answered  his  more  considerate  lady.  "  If  you 
put  to  death  this  young  gentleman,  you  wiii 


63  DEADLV'    i'liUD    BETWEEN    TilE 

V 

enter  into  a  deadly  feud  with  his  numerous  and 
powerful  clan.  You  must  therefore  do  a  wiser 
thing,  and,  instead  of  hanging  him,  we  will 
cause  him  to  marry  our  youngest  daughter, 
Meg,  with  the  meikle  mouth,  without  any 
tocher,"  (that  is,  without  any  portion.) 

The  Laird  joyfully  consented;  for  this  Meg 
with  the  large  mouth  was  so  ugly,  that  there 
was  very  little  chance  of  her  getting  a  husband 
in  any  other  circumstances  ;  and,  in  fact,  when 
the  alternative  of  such  a  marriage,  or  death  by 
the  gallows,  was  proposed  to  the  poor  prisoner, 
he  was  for  some  time  disposed  to  choose  the 
latter  ;  nor  M'-as  it  without  difficulty  that  he 
could  be  persuaded  to  save  his  life  at  the  ex- 
pense of  marrying  Meg  Murray.  He  did  so  at 
last,  however;  and  it  said,  that  Meg,  thus 
forced  upon  him,  made  an  excellent  and  affec- 
tionate wife;  but  the  unusual  size  of  mouth 
was  supposed  to  remain  discernible  in  their 
descendants  for  several  generations.  I  men- 
tion this  anecdote,  because  it  occurred  during 
James  the  Sixth's  reign,  and  shows,  in  a  strik- 
ing manner,  how  little  the  Borderers  had  im- 
proved in  their  sense  of  morality,  or  distinc- 
tions betAveen  right  and  wrong. 

A  more  important,  but  not  more  characteris- 
tic event,  which  happened  not  long  afterwards, 
shows,  in  its  progress,  their  utter  lawlessness 
and  contempt  of  legal  authority  in  this  reign, 
and,  in  its  conclusion,  the  increased  power  of 
the  monarch. 

There  had  been  long  and  deadly  feud,  on  the 
West  Borders,  betwixt  the  two  great   families 


^4' 


MAXW'ELLS    AND    JOIINSTONES.  GO 

of  Maxwell  and  Johnstone.  The  former  house 
was  the  most  wealthy  and  powerful  family  in 
Dumfries-shire  and  its  vicinity,  and  had  great 
influence  among  the  families  inhabiting  the 
more  le^'el  part  of  that  country.  Their  chief- 
tain had  the  title  of  Lord  Maxwell,  and  claim- 
ed that  of  Earl  of  Morton.  The  Johnstones, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  neither  equal  to  the 
Maxwells  in  numbers  nor  in  power ;  but  they 
were  a  race  of  uncommon  hardihood,  much  at- 
tached to  each  other  and  their  chieftain,  and 
residing  in  the  strong  and  mountainous  district 
of  Annandale,  used  to  sally  from  thence  as 
from  a  fortress,  and  return  to  its  fastnesses 
after  having  accomplished  their  inroads.  They 
were,  therefore,  able  to  maintain  their  ground 
against  the  Maxwells,  though  more  numerous 
than  themselves. 

So  well  was  this  known  to  be  the  case,  that 
when  in  1585,  the  Lord  Maxwell  was  declared 
to  be  a  rebel,  a  commission  was  given  to  the 
Laird  of  Johnstone  to  pursue  and  appre- 
hend him.  In  this,  however,  Johnstone  was 
unsuccessful.  Two  bands  of  hired  soldiers, 
whom  the  government  had  sent  to  his  assist- 
ance, were  destroyed  by  the  Maxwells  ;  and 
Lockwood,  the  chief  house  of  the  Laird,  was 
taken  and  wantonly  burnt,  in  order,  as  the 
Maxw^ells  expressed  it,  that  Lady  Johnstone 
might  have  light  to  put  on  her  hood.  John- 
stone himself  was  subsequently  defeated  and 
made  prisoner.  Being  a  man  of  proud  and 
haughty  temper,  he  is  said  to  have  died  of  grief 
at  the  disgrace  which  he  incurred;  and  thus 


70  di;ai-ly   tkld   iJETWEi:^   the 

there  commenced  a  long  seriea  of  mutual  in- 
juriea  between  the  hostile  clans. 

Shortly  after  this  catastrophe,  Maxwell,  be- 
ing restored  to  the  king's  favour,  was  once 
more  placed  in  the  situation  of  Warden  of  the 
West  Borders,  and  an  alliance  was  made  be- 
twixt him  and  Sir  James  Johnstone,  in  which 
they  and  their  two  clans  agreed  to  stand  by 
each  other  against  .all  the  world.  This  agree- 
ment being  entered  into,  the  clan  of  Johnstone 
concluded  they  had  little  to  apprehend  from 
the  justice  of  the  new  Lord  Warden,  so  long 
as  they  did  not  plunder  any.  of  the  name  of 
Maxwell.  They  accordingly  descended  into 
the  valley  of  the  Nith,  and  comitted  great  spoil 
on  the  lands  belonging  to  Douglass  ofDrum- 
lanrig,  Creichton  Lord  Sanquhar,  Grierson  of 
Lagg,  and  Kirkpatrick  of  Closeburn,  all  of 
them  independent  barons  of  high  birth  and 
great  power.  The  injured  parties  pursued  the 
depredators  with  forces  hastily  assembled,  but 
Avere  defeated  with  slaughter  in  their  attempt 
to  recover  the  prey. 

The  Barons  next  carried  their  complaints  to 
Maxwell  the  Warden,  who  alleged  his  late  al- 
liance with  Johnstone  as  a  reason  why  he  could 
not  yield  them  the  redress  which  his  office  en- 
titled them  to  expect  at  his  hands.  But  when, 
to  make  up  for  such  risk  as  he  might  incur  by 
renewing  his  enmity  with  the  Joimstones,  the 
Barons  of  Nithsdale  offered  to  bind  themselves 
by  a  bond  of  manrent,  as  it  was  called,  to  be- 
come the  favourers  and  followers  of  Lord 
Maxwell  in  all  his  quarrels,  excepting  against 


MAXWELLS    AND    JOHN'STONES.  71 

the  King,  the  temptation  became  too  strong  to 
be  overcome,  and  he  resoh  ed  to  sacrifice  his 
newly  formed  friendship  with  Johnstone  to  the 
desire  of  extending  his  authority  over  so  pow- 
erful a  confederacy. 

The  secret  of  this  association  did  not  long 
remain  concealed  from  Johnstone,  who  saw 
that  his  own  destruction  and  the  ruin  of  his 
clan,  were  the  objects  aimed  at,  and  hastened  to 
apply  to  his  neighbours  in  the  east  and  south 
for  assistance.  Buccleuch,  the  relative  of 
Johnstone,  and  by  far  his  most  powerful  ally, 
was  then  in  foreign  parts.  But  the  Laird  of 
Elibank,  mentioned  in  the  last  story,  bore  the 
banner  of  Buccleuch  in  person,  and  assembled 
a  great  number  of  the  clan  of  Scott,  whom  our 
historians  term  the  greatest  robbers  and 
fiercest  fighters  among  the  Border  clans.  The 
Elliots  of  Liddesdale  also  assisted  Johnstone  ; 
and  his  neighbours  on  the  southern  parts,  the 
Grahams  of  the  Debateable  Land,  from  hopes 
of  plunder  and  ancient  enmity  to  the  Max- 
wells, sent  also  a  considerable  number  oi 
spears. 

Thus  prepared  for  war,  Johnstone  took  the 
field,  wi;h  activity,  while  Maxwell,  assembling 
hastily  his  own  forces,  and  those  of  his  new 
followers,  the  Nithsdale  Barons,  invaded  An- 
nandale  with  the  royal  banner  displayed,  and  a 
force  of  upwards  of  two  thousand  men.  John- 
stone, unequal  in  numbers,  stood  on  the  defen- 
sive, and  kept  possession  of  the  woods  and 
strong  ground,  waiting  an  opportunity  of  fight- 
ing to  advantage  ;  while  Maxwell,  in  contempt 


73       BATTLE  OF  DRYFFE  SANDS. 

of  him,  formed  the  siege  of  the  castle  or  tower 
of  Lockerby,  the  fortress  of  a  Johnstone,  who 
was  then  in  arms  with  his  chief.  His  wife,  a 
woman  of  a  masculine  disposition,  the  sister  or 
daughter  of  the  Laird  who  had  died  in  Max- 
well's prison,  defended  his  place  of  residence. 

While  Maxwell  endeavoured  to  storm  the 
castle,  and  while  it  was  bravely  defended  by  its 
female  captain,  the  chief  received  information 
that  the  Laird  of  Johnstone  was  advancing  to 
its  relief.  He  drew  off  from  the  siege,  and 
caused  it  to  be  published  through  his  little 
army  that  he  would  give  a  "  ten-pound  land," 
that  is,  land  rated  in  the  cess-books  at  that 
yearly  amount,  "  to  any  one  who  would  bring 
him  the  head  or  hand  of  the  Laird  of  John- 
stone." When  this  was  reported  to  Johnstone, 
he  said  he  had  no  ten-pound  lands  to  offer,  but 
that  he  would  bestow  a  five-merk  land  upon  the 
man  who  should  bring  him  the  head  or  hand 
of  Lord  Maxwell. 

The  conflict  took  place  close  by  the  river 
Dryffe  near  Lochmaben,  and  is  called  the  Bat- 
tle of  Dryffe  Sands.  It  was  managed  by  John- 
stone with  considerable  military  skill.  He 
showed  at  first  only  a  handful  of  horsemen, 
who  made  a  hasty  attack  upon  Maxwell's  army, 
and  then  retired  in  a  manner  which  induced  the 
enemy  to  consider  them  as  defeated,  and  led 
them  to  pursue  in  disorder  with  loud  acclama- 
tions of  victory.  The  Maxwells  and  their  con- 
federates were  thus  exposed  to  a  sudden  and 
despprate  charge  from  the  main  body  of  the 
Johnstones  and  tlieir  allies,  who  fell  upon  them 


BATTLE  OF  DUIFFE  SANDS.        73 

while  their  ranks  were  broken,  and  compelled 
them  to  take  flight.  The  Maxwells  suffered 
grievously  in  the  retreat — many  were  over- 
taken in  the  streets  of  Lockerby,  and  cut  down 
or  slashed  in  the  face  by  the  pursuers  ;  a  kind 
of  blo\V,  which  to  this  day  is  called  in  that 
country  a  "  Lockerby  lick." 

Maxwell  himself,  an  elderly  man  and  heavily 
armed,  was  borne  down  from  his  horse  in  the 
beginning  of  the  conflict,  and  as  he  named  his 
name,  and  offered  to  surrender,  his  right  hand, 
which  he  stretched  out  for  mercy,  was  cut  from 
his  body.  Thus  far  history ;  but  family  tradi- 
tion adds  the  following  circumstance :  The 
Lady  of  Lockerby,  who  was  besieged  in  her 
tower  as  already  mentioned,  had  witnessed 
from  the  battlements  the  approach  of  the  Laird 
of  Johnstone,  and  as  soon  as  the  enemy  with- 
drew from  the  blockade  of  the  fortress,  had 
sent  to  the  assistance  of  her  chief  the  few  ser- 
vants who  had  assisted  in  the  defence.  After 
this  she  heard  the  tumult  of  the  battle,  but  as 
she  could  not  from  the  tower  see  the  place 
where  it  was  fought,  she  remained  in  an  agony 
of  suspense,  until,  as  the  noise  seemed  to  pass 
away  in  a  westerly  direction,  she  could  endure 
the  uncertainty  no  longer,  but  sallied  out  from 
the  tower,  with  only  one  female  attendant,  to 
see  how  the  day  had  gone.  As  a  measure  of 
precaution,  she  locked  the  strong  oaken  door 
and  the  iron-grate  with  which  a  border  fortress 
was  commonly  secured,  and  knitting  the  large 
keys  on  a  thong,  took  them  with  her  hanging 
on  her  arm. 

Vol.  I.  7 


74        BATTLE  OF  DRYFFE  SANDS. 

When  the  Lady  of  Lockerby  entered  on  the 
field  of  battle,  she  found  the  relics  of  a  bloody 
fight ;  the  little  valley  was  covered  with  slain 
men  and  horses,  and  broken  armour,  besides 
many  wounded,  who  were  incapable  of  further 
efibrt  for  saving  themselves.  Amongst  others 
she  saw  lying  beneath  a  thorn  tree  a  tall,  gray- 
haired,  noble-looking  man,  arrayed  in  bright 
armour,  but  bareheaded,  and  bleeding  to  death 
from  the  loss  of  his  right  hand.  He  asked  her 
for  mercy  and  help  with  a  faltering  voice  ;  but 
the  idea  of  deadly  feud,  in  that  time  and 
country,  closed  all  access  to  compassion,  even 
in  a  female  bosom.  She  saw  before  her  only 
the  enemy  of  her  clan,  and  the  cause  of  her  fa- 
ther's captivity  and  death  ;  and  raising  the  pon- 
^'derous  keys  which  she  bore  along  with  her,  the 
Lady  of  Lockerby  is  commonly  reported  to 
have  dashed  out  the  brains  of  the  vanquished 
Lord  Maxwell. 

The  battle  of  Dryffe  Sands  was  remarkable 
as  the  last  great  clan  battle  fought  on  the  Bor- 
ders, and  it  led  to  the  renewal  of  the  strife  be- 
twixt the  Maxwells  and  Johnstones,  with 
every  circumstance  of  ferocity  which  could  add 
horror  to  civil  war.  The  last  distinguished  act 
of  the  tragedy  took  place  thus  : — 

The  son  of  the  slain  Lord  Maxwell  invited 
Sir  James  Johnstone  to  a  friendly  conference, 
to  which  each  chieftain  engaged  to  bring  one 
friend  only.  They  met  at  a  place  called  Auch- 
manhill,  on  the  6th  August,  1008,  when  the 
attendant  of  Lord  Maxwell,  after  falling  into 
bitter  and  reproachful  language  with  Johnstone 


ASSASSINATION  OF  SIR  JAMES  JOHNSTONE.    7^ 

of  Gunmanlie,  who  was  in  attendance  on  his 
chief,  at  length  fired  his  pistol.  Sir  James  John- 
stone turning  around  to  see  what  had  hap- 
pened, Lord  Maxwell  treacherously  shot  him 
through^  the  back  with  a  pistol  charged  with  a 
brace  of  bullets.  While  the  gallant  old  knight 
lay  dying  on  the  ground,  Maxwell  rode  round 
him  with  the  view  of  completing  his  crime,  but 
Johnstone  defended  himself  with  his  sword  till 
strength  and  life  failed  him. 

This  final  catastrophe  of  such  a  succession 
of  bloody  acts  of  revenge,  took  place  several 
years  after  the  union  of  the  crowns,  and  the 
consequences,  so  different  from  those  which 
ensued  upon  former  occasions,  show  how  ef- 
fectually the  king's  authority,  and  the  power  of 
enforcing  the  course  of  equal  justice,  had  in- 
creased in  consequence  of  that  desirable  event. 

You  may  observe,  from  the  incidents  men- 
tioned, that  in  1585,  when  Lord  Maxwell  as- 
saulted and  made  prisoner  the  Laird  of  John- 
stone, then  the  king's  warden,  and  acting  in  his 
name,  and  committed  him  to  the  captivity  in 
which  he  died,  James  was  totally  unequal  to 
the  task  of  vindicating  his  royal  authority,  and 
saw  himself  compelled  to  receive  Maxwell  into 
favour  and  trust,  as  if  he  had  done  nothing 
contrary  to  the  laws.  Nor  was  the  royal  au- 
thority more  effectual  in  1598,  when  Maxwell, 
acting  as  royal  warden,  and  having  the  king's 
banner  displayed,  was  in  his  turn  defeated  and 
slain,  in  so  melancholy  and  cruel  a  manner,  at 
Dryffe  Sands.  On  the  contrary.  Sir  James 
Johnstone  was  not  only  pardoned,  but  restored 


70    SEVEIIITIES    AGAINST    THE    ARMSTRONGS. 

to  favour  and  trust  by  the  king.  But  tliere  was 
a  conspicuous  difference  in  the  consequences 
of  the  murder  Avhich  took  place  at  Auchmanhill 
in  1608.  Lord  Maxwell,  finding  no  refuge  in 
the  Border  country,  was  obliged  to  escape  to 
France,  where  he  resided  for  two  or  three 
years  ;  but  afterwards  venturing  to  return  to 
Scotland,  he  was  apprehended  in  the  wilds  of 
Caithness,  and  brought  to  trial  at  Edinburgh. 
James,  desirous  on  this  occasion  to  strike  ter- 
ror, by  a  salutary  v/arning,  into  the  factious 
nobility  and  disorderly  Borderers,  caused  the 
criminal  to  be  publicly  beheaded  on  the  21st 
May,  1613. 

Many  instances  might  be  added  to  show  that 
the  course  of  justice  on  the  Border  began,  after 
the  accession  of  James  to  the  English  throne,  to 
flov/  with  a  less  interrupted  stream,  even  where 
men  of  rank  and  power  were  concerned. 

The  inferior  class  of  freebooters  were  treat- 
ed with  much  less  ceremony.  Proclamations 
were  made,  that  none  of  the  inhabitants  of  ei- 
ther side  of  the  Border  (except  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  of  unsuspected  character)  should  re- 
tain in  their  possession  armour  or  weapons, 
offensive  or  defensive,  or  keep  any  horse  above 
the  value  of  fifty  shillings.  Particular  clans, 
described  as  broken  men,  were  especially  dis- 
charged the  use  of  weapons. 

The  celebrated  clan  of  Armstrong  had,  on  the 
very  night  in  w^hicli  Queen  Elizabeth's  death 
became  public,  concluding  that  a  time  of  mis- 
rule, by  which  they  had  hitherto  made  their 
harvest,  was  again  approaching,  and  desirous 


BANISHMENT    OF    THE    GRAHAMS.  77 

cf  losing  no  time,  made  a  fierce  incursion  into 
England,  and  done  much  mischief.  But  such  a 
consequence  had  been  foreseen  and  provided 
against.  A  strong  body  of  soldiers,  both  En- 
glish and  Scots,  swept  along  the  Border,  and 
severely*punished  the  marauders,  blowing  up 
their  fortresses  with  gunpowder,  destroying 
their  lands,  and  driving  away  their  cattle  and 
flocks.  The  Armstrongs  appear  never  to  have 
recovered  their  consequence  after  this  severe 
chastisement  ^J^or  are  there  many  of  this  cele- 
brated clan  now  to  be  found  among  the  land- 
holders of  Liddesdale,  where  they  once  pos- 
sessed the  whole  district. 

The  Grahams,  long  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Debateable  Land,  which  was  claimed  both  by 
England  and  Scotland,  were  still  more  severely 
dealt  with.  They  were  very  brave  and  active 
Borderers  attached  to  England,  for  which  coun- 
try, and  particularly  in  Edward  VI. 's  time,  they 
had  often  done  good  service.  But  they  were 
also  very  lawless,  and  their  incursions  were  as 
much  dreaded  by  the  inhabitants  of  Cumber- 
land as  by  those  of  the  Scottish  frontier.  This, 
indeed,  was  the  subject  of  complaint  on  both 
sides  of  the  Border  ;  and  the  poor  Grahams, 
seeing  no  alternative,  were  compelled  to  sign  a 
petition  to  the  King,  stating  themselves  to  be 
unfit  persons  to  dwell  in  the  country  which  they 
now  inhabited,  and  praying  that  he  would  pro- 
vide the  means  of  transporting  them  elseAvhere, 
where  his  paternal  goodness  should  assign  them 
the  means  of  life.  The  whole  clan,  a  very  few 
individuals  excepted,  Avere  thus  deprived  of 
7* 


78     SOLDIERS  TO  SERVE  IN  FOREIGN  PARTS. 


their  lands  and  residences,  and  transported  to 
the  county  of  Ulster,  in  Ireland,  where  they 
were  settled  on  lands  which  had  been  acquired 
from  the  conquered  Irish.  There  is  a  list  which 
shows  the  rate  at  which  the  county  of  Cumber- 
land was  taxed  for  the  exportation  of  these 
poor  fellows,  as  if  they  had  been  so  many  bul- 
locks. 

Another  efficient  mode  of  getting  rid  of  a 
warlike  and  disorderly  population,  who,  though 
an  admirable  defence  of  a  cou^gj^y  in  time  of 
war,  must  have  been  great  scourges  in  time  of 
the  profound  peace  to  which  the  Border  dis- 
tricts were  consigned  after  the  close  of  the  En- 
glish wars,  was  the  levying  a  large  body  of  sol- 
diers to  serve  in  foreign  countries.  The  love 
of  military  adventure  had  already  carried  one 
legion  to  serve  the  Dutch  in  their  defence 
against  the  Spaniards,  and  they  had  done  great 
service  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  particularly 
at  the  battle  of  Mechline,  in  1578 ;  where,  im- 
patient of  the  heat  of  the  weather,  to  the  asto- 
nishment of  both  friends  and  enemies,  the  Scot- 
tish auxiliaries  flung  off  their  upper  garments, 
and  fought  like  furies  in  their  shirts.  The  cir- 
cumstance is  pointed  out  in  the  plan  of  the  bat- 
tle which  is  to  be  found  in  Strada,  with  the  ex- 
planation— '^  Here  the  Scots  fought  naked." 

Buccleuch  levied  a  large  additional  force 
from  the  Border,  whose  occupation  in  their  na- 
tive country  was  gone  for  ever.  These  also 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  wars  of  the  Low 
Countries.  It  may  be  su})posed  that  very  many 
of  them  perished  in  the  lield,  and  tlie  descend- 


JEDPART    JUSTICE.  79 

ants  of  others  still  survive  in  the  Netherlands 
and  in  Germany, 

In  addition  to  the  relief  afforded  by  such  an 
outlet  for  the  superfluous  population,  whose 
numbers  greatly  exceeded  what  the  land  could 
have  supplied  with  food,  and  who,  in  fact,  had 
only  lived  upon  plunder,  bonds  were  entered 
into  by  the  men  of  substance  and  family  on  the 
Borders,  not  only  obliging  themselves  to  abstain 
from  depredations,  but  to  stand  by  each  other 
in  putting  down  and  preventing  such  evil  doings 
at  the  hand  of  others,  and  in  making  common 
cause  against  any  clan,  branch,  or  surname, 
who  might  take  offence  at  any  individual  for 
acting  in  prosecution  of  this  engagement.  They 
bound  themselves  also  not  only  to  seize  and 
deliver  to  justice  such  thieves  as  should  take 
refuge  in  their  grounds,  but  to  dispossess  from 
their  estates  all  persons  who  could  be  suspect- 
ed of  such  offences,  and  to  supply  their  place 
with  honest  and  peaceable  subjects.  I  am  pos- 
sessed of  such  a  bond,  dated  in  the  year  1612, 
and  subscribed  by  about  twenty  landholders, 
chiefly  of  the  name  of  Scott. 

Finally,  an  unusually  severe  and  keen  prose- 
cution of  all  who  were  convicted,  accused,  or 
even  suspected  of  offence  against  the  peace  of 
the  Border,  was  set  on  foot  by  George  Home, 
Earl  of  Dunbar,  James's  able  but  not  very  scfta- 
pulous  minister,  and  prosecuted  so  severely  as 
to  give  rise  to  the  proverb  of  Jeddart  (or  Jed- 
burgh) justice,  by  which  it  is  said  a  criminal 
was  hanged  first  and  tried  afterwards  ;  the  truth 
of  which  is  affirmed  by  historians  as  a  well- 


80  JEDDART    JUSTICE. 

known  fact  occurring  in  numerous  instances. 
Cruel  as  these  measures  were,  they  tended  to 
remedy  a  disease  which  seemed  ahnost  despe- 
rate. Rent,  the  very  name  of  which  had  till 
that  period  scarcely  been  heard  on  the  Border, 
began  to  be  paid  for  property,  and  the  proprie- 
tors of  land^turned  their  thoughts  to  rural  in- 
dustry, instead  of  the  arts  of  predatory  warfare. 
But  it  was  more  than  a  century  ere  the  country, 
so  long  a  harassed  and  disputed  frontier,  gain- 
ed the  undisturbed  appearance  of  a  civilized 
land. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  the  Borders,  I 
ought  to  explain  to  you,  that  as  the  possession 
of  the  strong  and  important  town  of  Berwick 
had  been  so  long  and  fiercely  disputed  be- 
tween England  and  Scotland,  and  as  the  latter 
country  had  never  surrendered  or  abandoned 
her  claim  to  the  place,  though  it  had  so  long 
remained  an  English  possession,  James,  to  avoid 
giving  offence  to  either,  left  the  question  unde- 
cided ;  and  since  the  union  of  the  Crowns  the 
city  is  never  spoken  of  as  part  of  England  or 
Scotland,  but  as  the  Good  Town  of  Berwick- 
upon-Tweed  ;  and  when  a  law  is  made  for 
North  and  South  Britain,  without  special  and 
distinct  mention  of  this  ancient  town,  that  law 
is  of  no  force  or  avail  within  its  precincts. 


[     81     ] 


CHAP.  V. 

Wild  state  of  the  Western  Islands — Suffocation 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  Eigg,  by  filling  a  cave, 
in  which  they  had  concealed  themselves,  with 
smoke — Story  of  Allan-a-Sop — Dreadful 
Death  by  Thirst — Massacre  of  Lowlanders, 
who  had  made  a  Settlement  in  Lewis  and 
Harris — The  u^hole  Western  Isles,  excepting 
Skye  and  Lewis,  offered  for  800Z.  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Huntly,  who  refuses  to  purchase  them 
at  that  sum. 

The  Highlands  and  Western  Islands  were  in 
no  respect  so  much  effected  by  the  union  of  the 
crowns  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  Borders.  The 
accession  of  James  to  the  English  throne  was 
of  no  great  consequence  to  them,  unless  in  so 
far  as  it  rendered  the  King  more  powerful,  and 
gave  him  the  means  of  occasionally  sending 
bodies  of  troops  into  their  fortresses  to  compel 
them  to  order  ;  and  this  was  a  measure  of  unu- 
sual rigour,  which  was  but  seldom  resorted  to. 

The  Highland  tribes,  therefore,  remained  in 
the  same  state  as  before,  using  the  same  dress, 
wielding  the  same  arms,  divided  into  the  same 
clans,  each  governed  by  its  own  patriarch,  and 
living  in  all  respects  as  their  ancestors  had  lived 
for  many  centuries  before  them.  Or  if  there 
were  some  m.arks  of  softened  manners  among 
those  Gaelic  tribes  who  resided  on^the  main- 
land, the   inhabitants  of  the  Hebrides  or  Wes- 


82  SUFFOCATION    HY    SMOKE    OF 

tern  Isles,  adjacent  to  the  coast  of  Scotland,  are 
described  to  us  as  utterly  barbarous.  A  histo- 
rian of  the  period  says,  that  "  the  Highlanders 
who  dwell  on  the  mainland,  though  sufficiently 
wild,  show  some  shade  of  civilization;  but  those 
in  the  islands  are  without  laws  or  morals,  and 
totally  destitute  of  religion  and  humanity." 
Some  storiesof  their  feuds  are  indeed  preserved, 
which  go  far  to  support  this  general  accusation. 
I  will  tell  you  one  or  two  of  them. 

The  principal  possessors  of  the  Hebrides 
were  originally  of  the  name  of  MacDonald,  the 
whole  being  under  the  government  of  a  succes- 
sion of  chiefs,  who  bore  the  name  of  Donald  of 
the  Isles,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  and 
were  possessed  of  authority  almost  indepen- 
dent of  the  Kings  of  Scotland.  But  this  great 
family  becoming  divided  into  two  or  three 
branches,  other  chiefs  settled  in  some  of  tlie 
islands,  and  disputed  the  property  of  the  origi- 
nal proprietors.  Thus,  the  MacLeods,  a  pow- 
erful and  numerous  clan,  who  had  extensive 
estates  on  the  mainland,  made  themselves  mas- 
ters, at  a  very  early  period,  of  a  great  part  of 
the  large  island  of  Skye,  seized  upon  much  of 
the  Long  Island,  as  the  isles  of  Lewis  and  Har- 
ris are  called,  and  fought  fiercely  with  the 
MacDonalds,  and  other  tribes  of  the  islands. 
The  following  is  an  example  of  the  mode  in 
which  these  feuds  were  conducted. 

About  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a 
boat,  manned  by  one  or  two  of  the  MacLeods, 
landed  in  Eigg,  a  small  island,  peopled  by  the 
MacDonalds.     They  were   at  first  hospitably 


THE    MACDONALDS    OF    EIGG.  83 

received ;  but  having  been  guilty  of  some  in- 
civility to  the  young  women  on  the  island,  it 
was  so  much  resented  by  the  inhabitants,  that 
they  tied  the  MacLeods  hand  and  foot,  and  put- 
ting them^on  board  of  their  own  boat,  towed  it 
to  sea  and  set  it  adrift,  leaving  the  Avretched 
men,  bound  as  they  were,  to  perish  by  famine, 
or  by  the  winds  and  waves,  as  chance  should 
determine.  But  fate  so  ordered  it,  that  a  boat 
belonging  to  the  Laird  of  MacLeod  fell  in  with 
that  Avhich  had  the  captives  on  board,  and 
brought  them  in  safety  to  the  Laird's  castle  of 
Dunvegan  in  Skye,  where  they  complained  of 
the  injury  which  they  had  sustained  from  the 
MacDonalds  of  Eigg. 

MacLeod,  in  great  rage,  put  to  sea  with  his 
galleys,  manned  by  a  large  body  of  his  people, 
which  the  men  of  Eigg  could  not  entertain  any 
rational  hope  of  resisting.  Learning  that  their 
incensed  enemy  was  approaching  with  superior 
forces,  and  deep  vows  of  revenge,  the  inhabi- 
tants, who  knew  they  had  no  mercy  to  expect 
at  MacLeod's  hands,  resolved,  as  the  best  chance 
of  safety  in  their  power,  to  conceal  themselves 
in  a  large  cavern  on  the  sea  shore. 

This  place  was  particularly  well  calculated 
for  that  purpose.  The  entrance  resembles 
that  of  a  fox-jearth,  being  an  opening  so  small 
that  a  man  cannot  enter  save  by  creeping  on 
hands  and  knees.  A  rill  of  water  falls  from  the 
top  of  the  rock,  and  serves,  or  rather  served  at 
that  period  we  speak  of,  wholly  to  conceal  the 
aperture.  A  stranger,  even  when  apprised  of 
the  existence  of  such  a  cave,  would  find  the 


84  SUFFOCATION    BY    SMOKE    OF 

greatest  difficulty  in  discovering  the  entrance. 
Within,  the  cavern  rises  to  a  great  height,  and 
the  floor  is  covered  with  white  dry  sand.  It  is 
extensive  enough  to  contain  a  great  number  of 
people.  The  whole  inhabitants  of  Eigg,  who, 
with  their  wives  and  families,  amounted  to 
nearly  two  hundred  souls,  took  refuge  within 
its  precincts. 

MacLeod  arrived  with  his  armament,  and 
landed  on  the  island,  but  could  discover  no  one 
on  whom  to  wreak  his  vengeance — all  was  a 
desert.  The  MacLeods  destroyed  the  huts  of 
the  islanders,  and  plundered  what  property  they 
could  discover  ;  but  the  vengeance  of  the  chief- 
tain could  not  be  satisfied  with  such  petty  inju- 
ries. He  knew  that  the  inhabitants  must  either 
have  fled  in  their  boats  to  one  of  the  islands 
possessed  by  the  MacDonalds,  or  that  they 
must  be  concealed  somewhere  in  Eigg. 

After  making  a  strict  but  unsuccessful  search 
for  two  days,  MacLeod  had  appointed  the  third 
to  leave  his  anchorage,  when,  in  the  grey  of 
the  morning,  one  of  the  seamen  beheld  from 
the  deck  of  his  galley  the  figure  of  a  man  on 
the  island.  This  was  a  spy  whom  the  Mac- 
Donalds,  impatient  of  their  confinement  in  the 
cavern,  had  imprudently  sent  out  to  see  whe- 
ther MacLeod  had  retired  or  not.  The  poor 
fellow,  when  he  saw  himself  discovered,  endea- 
voured, by  doubling,  after  the  manner  of  a  hare 
or  fox,  to  obliterate  the  track  of  his  footsteps, 
and  prevent  its  being  discovered  where  he  had 
re-entered  the  cavern.  But  all  his  art  was' la 
vain  ;  the  invaders  again  landed,  and  tracked 
him  to  the  entrance  of  the  cavern. 


THE    MACDONALDS    OF    EIGG.  85 

MacLeod  then  summoned  those  who  were 
within  it,  and  called  upon  them  to  deliver  up, 
the  individuals  who  had  maltreated  his  men,  to 
be  disposed  of  at  his  pleasure.  The  MacDo- 
naids,  still  confident  in  the  strength  of  their 
fastness,  which  no  assailant  could  enter  but  on 
hands  and  knees,  refused  to  surrender  their 
clansmen. 

MacLeod  then  commenced  a  dreadful  work 
of  indiscriminate  vengeance.  He  caused  his 
people,  by  means  of  a  ditch  cut  above  the  top 
of  the  rock,  to  turn  away  the  stream  of  water 
which  fell  over  the  entrance  of  the  precipice. 
This  being  done,  the  MacLeods  collected  all 
the  combustibles  which  could  be  found  on  the 
island,  particularly  quantities  of  dry  heather, 
piled  them  up  against  the  aperture,  and  main- 
tained an  immense  fire  for  many  hours,  until 
the  smoke,  penetrating  into  the  inmost  recesses 
of  the  cavern,  stifled  to  death  every  creature 
within.  There  is  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  this 
story,  dreadful  as  it  is.  The  cavern  is  often 
visited  by  strangers ;  and  I  have  myself  seen 
the  place  where  the  bones  of  the  murdered 
MacDonalds  still  remain,  lying  as  thick  on  the 
floor  of  the  cave  as  in  the  charnel-house  of  a 
church. 

The  MacLeans,  in  like  manner,  a  bold  and 
hardy  race,  who,  originally  followers  of  the 
Lords  of  the  Isles,  had  assumed  independence, 
seized  upon  great  part  both  of  the  Isle  of  Mull 
and  the  still  more  valuable  island  of  Hay,  and 
made  war  on  the  MacDonalds  with  various  suc- 
cess.    There  is  a  story  belonging  to  this  clan, 

Vol.  I  8 


86  STonv  OF  a:. 


which  I  may  tell  you,  as  giving  another  striking 
picture  of  the  manners  of  the  Hebrideans. 

The  chief  of  the  clan,  MacLean  of  Duart  in 
the  Isle  of  Mull,  had  an  intrigue  with  a  beautiful 
young  woman  of  his  own  clan,  who  bore  a  son 
to  him.  In  consequence  of  the  child's  being, 
by  some  accident,  born  in  a  barn,  he  received 
the  name  of  Allan-a-Sop,  or  Allan  of  the  Straw, 
by  which  he  was  distinguished  from  others  of 
his  clan.  As  his  father  and  mother  were  not 
married,  Allan  was  of  course  a  bastard,  or  na- 
tural son,  and  had  no  inheritance  to  look  for, 
save  that  which  he  might  win  for  himself. 

But  the  beauty  of  the  boy's  mother  having 
captivated  a  man  of  rank  in  the  clan,  called 
MacLean  of  Torloisk,  he  married  her,  and  took 
her  to  reside  with  him  at  his  castle  of  Torloisk, 
situated  on  the  shores  of  the  Sound,  or  small 
strait  of  the  sea,  which  divides  the  smaller 
-island  of  Ulva  from  that  of  Mull.  Allan-a-Sop 
paid  his  mother  frequent  visits  at  her  new  resi- 
dence, and  she  was  naturally  glad  to  see  the 
poor  boy,  both  from  aft'ection,  and  on  account 
of  his  personal  strength  and  beauty,  which  dis- 
tinguished him  above  other  youths  of  his  age. 
But  she  was  obliged  to  confer  marks  of  her  at- 
tachment on  him  as  privately  as  she  could,  for 
Allan's  visits  were  by  no  means  so  acceptable 
to  her  hur^band  as  to  herself.  Indeed,  Torloisk 
liked  so  little  to  see  the  lad,  that  he  determined 
to  put  some  affront  on  him,  which  should  pre- 
vent his  returning  to  the  castle  for  some  time. 
An  opportunity  for  executing  his  purpose  soon 
occurred. 


STORY    OF    ALLAN-A-SOr.  87 

The  lady  one  morning,  looking  from  the 
window,  saw  her  son  coming  wandering  down 
the  hill,  and  hastened  to  put  a  girdle  cake  upon 
the  fire,  that  he  might  have  hot  bread  to  his 
breakfast..  Something  called  her  ont  of  the 
apartment  after  making  this  preparation,  and 
her  husband  entering  at  the  same  time,  saw  at 
once  what  she  had  been  about,  and  determined 
to  give  the  boy  such  a  reception  as  should  dis- 
gust him  for  the  future.  He  snatched  the  cake 
from  the  girdle,  thrust  it  into  his  step-son's 
hands,  which  he  forcibly  closed  on  the  scalding 
bread,  saying,  "  Here,  Allan — here  is  a  cake 
which  your  mother  has  got  ready  for  your 
breakfast."  Allan's  hands  were  severely  burnt; 
and,  being  a  sharp-witted  and  proud  boy,  he 
resented  this  mark  of  his  step-father's  ill  will, 
and  came  not  again  to  Torloisk. 

At  this  time  the  western  seas  were  covered 
with  the  vessels  of  pirates,  who  not  unlike  the 
Sea-kings  of  Denmark  at  an  early  period,  some- 
times settled  and  made  conquests  on  the  islands. 
Allan-a-Sop  was  young,  strong,  and  brave  to 
desperation.  He  entered  as  a  mariner  on  board 
of  one  of  these  ships,  and  in  process  of  time 
obtained  the  command,  first  of  one  galley,  then 
of  a  small  flotilla,  with  which  he  sailed  round 
the  seas  and  collected  considerable  plunder, 
until  his  name  became  both  feared  and  famous. 
At  length  he  proposed  to  himself  to  pay  a  visit 
to  his  mother,  whom  he  had  not  seen  for  many 
years  ;  and' setting  sail  for  this  purpose,  he  an- 
chored one  morning  in  the  Sound  of  Ulva,  and 
in  front  of  the  house  of  Torloisk.     His  mother 


88  STORY    OF    ALLAN-A-SOP. 

(vas  dead,  but  his  step-father,  to  whom  he  was 
now  an  object  of  fear  as  he  had  been  formerly 
of  aversion,  hastened  to  the  shore  to  receive  his 
formidable  son-in-law,  with  great  affectation  of 
kindness  and  interest  in  his  prosperity  ;  while 
Allan-a-Sop,  who,  though  very  rough  and 
hasty,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  sullen  or 
vindictive,  seemed  to  take  this  kind  reception 
in  good  part. 

The  crafty  old  man  succeeded  so  well,  as  he 
thought,  in  securing  Allan's  friendship,  and 
obliterating  all  recollections  of  the  former  af- 
front put  on  him,  that  he  began  to  think  it 
possible  to  employ  him  in  executing  his  private 
revenge  upon  MacKinnon  of  Ulva,  with  whom, 
as  was  usual  between  such  neighbours,  he  had 
some  feud.  With  this  purpose,  he  offered  what 
he  called  the  following  good  advice  to  his  son- 
in-law  :  "  My  dear  Allan,  you  have  now  wan- 
dered over  the  seas  long  enough ;  it  is  time  you 
should  have  some  footing  upon  land,  a  castle 
to  protect  yourself  in  winter,  a  village  and  cat- 
tle for  ycMir  men,  and  a  harbour  to  lay  up  your 
galleys.  Now,  here  is  the  island  of  tjlva,  near 
at  hand,  which  lies  ready  for  your  occupation, 
and  it  will  cost  you  no  trouble,  save  that  of  put- 
ting to  death  the  present  proprietor,  the  Laird 
of  MacKinnon,  a  useless  old  carle,  who  has 
cumbered  the  world  long  enough." 

Allan-a-Sop  thanked  his  step-father  for  so 
happy  a  suggestion,  which  he  declared  he 
would  put  in  execution  forthwitli.  According- 
ly, setting  sail  the  next  morning,  he  appeared 
before  MacKinnon's    house  an   hour   before 


STORY    OF    ALLAN-A-SOP.  89 

noon.  The  old  chief  of  Ulva  was  much  alarmed 
at  the  menacing  apparition  of  so  many  galleys, 
and  his  anxiety  was  not  lessened  by  the  news, 
that  they  were  commanded  by  the  redoubted 
Allan-a-Sop.  Having  no  effectual  means  of 
resistance,  MacKinnon,  .who  was  a  man  of 
shrcAvd  sense,  saw  no  alternative  save  that  of 
receiving  the  invaders,  whatever  mio-ht  be  their 
purpose,  with  all  outward  demonstrations  of 
joy  and  satisfaction.  He  caused  immediate 
preparations  to  be  made  for  a  banquet  as  splen- 
did as  circumstances  admitted,  hastened  down 
to  the  shore  to  meet  the  rover,  and  welcomed 
him  to  Ulva  with  such  an  appearance  of  since- 
rity, that  the  pirate  found  it  impossible  to 
pick  any  quarrel  which  might  afford  a  pre- 
tence for  executing  the  violent  purpose  which 
he  had  been  led  to  meditate. 

They  feasted  together  the  whole  day;  and,  in 
the  evening,  as  Allan-a-Sop  was  about  to  retire 
to  his  ships,  he  thanked  the  Laird  of  MacKin- 
non for  his  entertainment,  but  remarked,  with 
a  sigh,  that  it  had  cost  him  very  dear.  "  How 
can  that  be,"  said  MacKinnon,  "  when  I  be- 
stowed this  entertainment  upon  you  in  free 
goodwill?" — "It is  true,  my  friend,"  replied  the 
pirate,  "  but  then  it  has  quite  disconcerted  the 
purpose  for  which  I  came  hither ;  which  was 
to  put  you  to  death,  my  good  friend,  and  seize 
upon  your  house  and  island,  and  to  settle  my- 
self in  the  world.  This  island  would  hav^ 
been  very  convenient,  but  your  friendly  recep- 
tion has  rendered  it  impossible  for  me  to  exe- 
8* 


90  STORY    OF    ALLAN-A-30P. 

cute  my  purpose ;  so  that  I  must  be  a  wanderer 
on  the  seas  for  some  time  longer." 

Whatever  MacKinnon  felt  at  hearing  he  had 
been  so  near  to  destruction,  he  took  care  to 
show  no  emotion  save  surprise,  and  replied  to 
his  visiter, — "  My  dear  Allan,  who  was  it  that 
put  into  your  mind  so  unkind  a  purpose  to- 
wards your  old  friend  ?  for  I  am  sure  it  never 
arose  from  your  own  generous  nature.  It  must 
have  been  your  father-in-law,  old  Torloisk,  who 
made  such  an  indifferent  husband  to  your 
mother,  and  such  an  unfriendly  step-father  to 
you  when  you  were  a  helpless  boy ;  but  now, 
when  he  sees  you  a  bold  and  powerful  leader, 
he  desires  to  make  a  quarrel  betwixt  you  and 
those  who  were  the  friends  of  your  youth.  If 
you  consider  this  matter  rightly,  Allan,  you  will 
see  that  the  estate  and  harbour  of  Torloisk  lie 
as  conveniently  for  you  as  those  of  Ulva,  and 
that,  if  you  are  to  make  a  settlement  by  force, 
it  is  much  better  it  should  be  at  the  expense 
of  the  old  churl,  who  never  showed  you 
kindness  or  countenance,  than  at  that  of  a 
friend  like  me,  who  always  loved  and  honour- 
ed you." 

Allan-a-Sop  was  struck  with  the  justice  of 
this  reasoning  ;  and  the  old  offence  of  his  scald- 
ed fingers  was  suddenly  recalled  to  his  mind. 
"  It  is  very  true  what  you  say,  MacKinnon," 
he  replied,  "  and,  besides,  I  have  not  forgotten 
what  a  hot  breakfast  my  father-in-law  treated 
me  to  one  morning.  Farewell  for  the  present ; 
you  shall  soon  hear  news  of  me  from  the  other 
t>idc  of  the  Sound."  Having  said  thus  much,  the 


STORY    OF    ALLAN-A-SOP.  91 

pirate  got  on  board,  and  commanding  his  men 
to  unmoor  the  galleys,  sailed  back  to  Torloisk, 
and  prepared  to  land  in  arms.  His  father-in- 
law  hastened  to  meet  him,  in  expectation  to 
hear  of  the  death  of  his  enemy,  Mac-Kinnon. 
But  Allan  greeted  him  in  a  very  different  man- 
ner from  what  he  expected.  "  You  hoary  old 
traitor,"  he  said,  "  you  instigated  my  simple 
good-nature  to  murder  a  better  man  than  your- 
self. But  have  you  forgotten  how  you  scorch- 
ed my  fingers  twenty  years  ago,  with  a  burn- 
ing cake  ?  The  day  is  come  that  that  break- 
fast must  be  paid  for."  So  saying,  he  dashed 
out  his  father-in-law's  brains  with  a  battle-axe, 
took  possession  of  his  castle  and  property,  and 
established  there  a  distinguished  branch  of  the 
clan  of  MacLean. 

It  is  told  of  another  of  these  western  chiefs, 
who  is  said,  upon  the  whole,  to  have  been  a 
kind  and  good-natured  man,  that  he  was  sub- 
jected to  repeated  risk  and  injury  by  the  treach- 
ery of  an  ungrateful  nephew,  who  attempted  to 
surprise  his  castle,  in  order  to  put  his  uncle  to 
death,  and  obtain  for  himself  the  command  of 
the  tribe.  Being  detected  on  the  first  occasion, 
and  brought  before  his  uncle  as  a  prisoner,  the 
chief  dismissed  him  unharmed  ;  with  a  warn- 
ing, however,  not  to  repeat  the  offence,  since, 
if  he  did  so,  he  would  cause  him  to  be  put  to  a 
death  so  fearful  that  all  Scotland  should  ring 
with  it. 

The  wicked  young  man  persevered,  and  re- 
newed his  attempts  against  his  uncle's  castle 
and  life.     Falling  a  second  time  into  the  hands 


92  DREADFUL    DEATH    BY    THIRST. 

of  the  offended  chieftain,  the  prisoner  had  rea- 
son to  term  him  as  good  as  his  word.  He  was 
confined  in  the  pit,  or  dungeon  of  the  castle,  a 
deep  vault,  to  which  there  was  no  access,  save 
through  a  hole  in  the  roof.  He  was  left  with- 
out food,  till  his  appetite  grew  voracious  ;  the 
more  so,  as  he  had  reason  to  apprehend  that  it 
was  intended  to  starve  him  to  death. 

But  the  vengeance  of  his  uncle  was  of  a  more 
refined  character.  The  stone  which  covered 
the  aperture  in  the  roof  was  opened,  and  a 
quantity  of  salted  beef  let  down  to  the  prisoner, 
who  devoured  it  eagerly.  When  he  had  glut- 
ted himself  with  this  food,  and  expected  to  be 
supplied  with  liquor,  to  quench  the  raging  thirst 
which  the  diet  had  excited,  a  cup  was  lowered 
down,  which,  Avhen  he  eagerly  grasped  it,  he 
found  to  be  empty !  They  then  rolled  the 
stone  on  the  opening  in  the  vault,  and  left  the 
captive  to  perish  by  thirst,  the  most  dreadful  of 
all  deaths. 

Many  similar  stories  could  be  told  you  of  the 
wild  wars  of  the  islanders  ;  but  these  may  suf- 
fice at  present  to  give  you  some  idea  of  the 
fierceness  of  their  manners,  the  low  value  at 
which  they  held  human  life,  and  the  manner  in 
which  wrongs  were  revenged,  and  property  ac- 
quired. They  seem  to  have  been  accounted 
by  King  James  a  race  whom  it  was  impossible 
to  subdue,  conciliate,  or  improve  by  civiliza- 
tion ;  and  the  only  remedy  which  occurred  to 
him,  was  to  settle  Lowlanders  in  the  islands, 
and  drive  away  or  extirpate  the  people  by 
whom  they  were  inhabited.  * 


LOWLAND    SETTLERS    AT    STORXOWAY.       93 

For  this  purpose,  the  king  authorized  an  as- 
sociation of  many  gentlemen  in  the  county  of 
Fife,  then  the  wealthiest  and  most  civilized  part 
of  Scotland,  who  undertook  to  make  a  settle- 
ment in  the  isles  of  LeAvis  and  Harris.  These 
undertakers,  as  they  were  called,  levied  money, 
assembled  soldiers,  and  manned  a  fleet,  with 
which  they  landed  on  the  Lewis,  and  effect- 
ed a  settlement  at  Stornoway  in  that  coun- 
try. At  this  time  the  property  of  the  Lewis 
was  disputed  between  the  sons  of  Rory 
MacLeod,  the  last  lord,  who  had  two  fami- 
lies by  separate  wives.  The  undertakers  find- 
ing the  natives  thus  quarrelling  among  them- 
selves, had  little  difficulty  in  building  a  small 
town  and  fortifying  it ;  and  their  enterprise 
in  the  beginning  assumed  a  promising  ap- 
pearance. 

But  the  Lord  of  Kintail,  chief  of  the  nume- 
rous and  powerful  clan  of  MacKenzie,  was  little 
disposed  to  let  this  fair  island  fall  into  the  pos- 
session of  a  company  of  Lowland  adventurers. 
He  had  himself  some  views  of  obtaining  it  in 
the  name  of  Torquil  Connaldagh  MacLeod, 
one  of  the  claimants,  who  was  closely  connect- 
ed Avith  the  family  of  MacKenzie,  and  disposed 
to  act  as  his  powerful  ally  desired.  Thus  pri- 
vately encouraged,  the  islanders  united  them- 
selves against  the  undertakers;  and,  after  a  war 
of  various  fortune,  attacked  their  camp  of 
Stornoway,  took  it  by  storm,  burnt  the  fort, 
slew  many  of  them,  and  made  the  rest  prison- 
ers. They  were  not  expelled,  you  may  be  sure, 
without  bloodshed  and  m.assacre.     Some  of  the 


94       LOWLAND    SETTLERS    AT    STORNOWAY 

old  persons  still  alive  in  the  Lewis,  talk  of  a 
very  old  woman,  living  in  their  youth,  who 
used  to  say,  that  she  had  held  the  light  while 
her  countrymen  were  cutting  the  throats  of  the 
adventurers. 

A  lady,  the  wife  of  one  of  the  principal  gen- 
tlemen in  the  expedition,  fled  from  the  scene  of 
violence  into  a  wild  and  pathless  desert  of  rock 
and  morass,  called  the  Forest  of  Fannig.  In 
this  wilderness  she  became  the  mother  of  a 
child.  A  Hebridean,  who  chanced  to  pass  on 
one  of  the  ponies  of  the  country,  saw  the 
mother  and  infant  in  the  act  of  perishing  with 
cold,  and  being  struck  with  the  misery  of  their 
condition,  contrived  a  strange  manner  of  pre- 
serving them.  He  killed  his  pony,  and  opening 
its  belly,  and  removing  the  entrails,  he  put  the 
new  born  infant  and  the  helpless  mother  into 
the  inside  of  the  carcass,  to  have  the  advantage 
of  the  warmth  which  this  strange  and  shocking 
receptacle  afforded.  In  this  manner,  'with  or 
without  assistance,  he  contrived  to  bear  them  to 
some  place  of  security,  where  the  lady  remained 
till  she  could  get  back  in  safety  to  her  own 
country.  She  became,  after  this  wonderful 
escape,  the  wife  of  a  person  of  consequence  and 
influence  in  Edinburgh,  a  Judge,  I  believe,  of 
the  Court  of  Session. 

One  evening,  while  she  looked  from  the  win- 
dow of  her  house  in  the  Canongate,  just  as  a 
heavy  storm  was  coming  on,  ahe  heard  a  man  in 
the  Highland  dress  say  to  another  with  whom 
he  was  walking,  "  This  would  be  a  rough  night 
for  the  Forest  of  Fannig."     The  lady's  atten- 


MASSACRED    BY    THE    NATIVES.  95 

tion  was  immediately  attracted  by  the  name  of 
a  place  which  she  had  such  awful  reasons  for 
remembering,  and,  on  looking  attentively  at  the 
man  who  spoke,  she  recognized  her  preserver. 
She  called  him  into  the  house,  received  him  in 
the  most  cordial  manner,  and  finding  that  he 
was  come  from  the  Western  Islands  on  some 
business  of  great  importance  to  his  family,  she 
interested  her  husband  in  his  favour,  by  whose 
influence  it  was  speedily  and  successfully  set- 
tled ;  and  the  Hebridean,  loaded  with  kindness 
and  presents,  returned  to  his  native  island,  with 
reason  to  congratulate  himself  on  the  hu- 
manity which  he  had  shown  in  so  singular  a 
manner. 

After  the  surprise  of  their  fort,  and  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  defenders,  the  Fife  gentlemen  tired 
of  their  undertaking  ;  and  the  Lord  of  Kintail 
had  the  whole  advantage  of  the  dispute,  for  he 
contrived  to  get  possession  of  the  Lev/is  for 
himself,  and  transmitted  it  to  his  family,  with 
whom  it  still  remains. 

It  appears,  however,  that  King  James  did  not 
utterly  despair  of  improving  the  Hebrides,  by 
means  of  colonization.  It  was  supposed  that 
the  powerful  Marquis  of  Huntly  might  have  had 
strength  to  acquire  the  property,  and  wealth 
enough  to  pay  the  Crown  something  for  the 
grant.  The  whole  archipelago  was  offered  to 
him,  with  the  exception  of  Skye,  and  Lewis,  at 
the  cheap  price  of  ten  thousand  pounds  Scots, 
or  about  800Z. ;  but  the  Marquis  would  not 
give  more  than  half  the  sum  demanded,  for 
what  he  justly  considered  as  a  permission  to 


OG  WESTERN  ISLES  OrFERED  TO   IIUNTLY. 

conquer  a  sterile  region,   inhabited  by  a  war- 
like race. 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  efforts  to  introduce 
some  civilization  into  these  islands.  In  the  next 
chapter  we  shall  show  that  the  improvement  of 
the  Highlanders  on  the  mainland  was  not  much 
more  satisfactory. 


[     07    ] 


CHAP.  VI. 

Contempt  vf  the  Highlanders  for  the  Arts  of 
Peace — Story  of  Donald  of  the  Hammer — 
Execution  of  the  Laird  of  Mac  Intosh  by 
order  of  the  Marchioness  of  Huntly — Mas- 
sacre of  the  Farquharsons — Race  of  the 
Trough — Execution  of  the  Earl  of  Orkney 

The  size  and  position  of  the  Highlands  of 
Scotland  rendered  them  much  less  susceptible 
of  improvement  than  the  Border  districts,  which, 
far  less  extensive,  and  less  difficult  of  access, 
were  now  placed  between  two  civilized  and 
peaceful  countries,  instead  of  being  the  frontier 
of  two  hostile  lands. 

The  Highlanders,  on  the  contrary,  continued 
the  same  series  of  wars  among  themselves,  and 
incursions  upon  their  Lowland  neighbours, 
which  had  distinguished  them  ever  since  the 
dawn  of  their  history.  Military  adventure,  in 
one  form  or  other,  was  their  delight  as  well  as 
their  employment,  and  all  works  of  industry 
were  considered  as  unworthy  the  dignity  of  a 
mountaineer.  Even  the  necessary  task  of  raising 
a  scanty  crop  of  barley  was  assigned  to  the  aged, 
and  to  the  women  and  children.  The  men 
minded  nothing  but  hunting  and  war.  I  will 
give  you  an  account  of  a  Highland  chieftain,  in 
character  and  practice  not  very  different  from 
that  of  Allan-a-Sop,  the  Hebridean. 

The  Stewarts,  who  inhabited  the  district  of 

Vol.  I.  9 


98  THE    STORY    OP 

Appin  in  the  West  Highlands,  were  a  numerous 
and  warlike  clan.  Appin  is  the  title  of  the  chief 
of  the  clan.  The  second  branch  of  the  family 
was  that  of  Invernahyle.  The  founder,  a  second 
son  of  the  House  of  Appin,  was  called  by  the 
uncommon  epithet  of  Saoileach,  or  the  Peace- 
ful. One  of  his  neighbours  was  the  Lord  of 
Dunstaffnage,  called  Cailen  Unine,  or  Green 
Colin,  from  the  green  colour  which  predomina- 
ted in  his  tartans.  This  Green  Colin  surprised 
the  peaceful  Laird  of  Invernahyle,  assassinated 
him,  Ixirnt  his  house,  and  destroyed  his  whole 
family,  excepting  an  infant  at  the  breast. 

This  infant  did  not  owe  its  safety  to  the 
mercy  of  Green  Colin,  but  to  the  actiA-ity  and 
presence  of  mind  of  his  nurse.  Finding  she 
could  not  escape  the  pursuit  of  that  chief's  at- 
tendants, the  faithful  nurse  determined  to  pro- 
vide for  the  safety  of  her  foster-child,  whose  life 
she  knew  was  aimed  at,in  the  only  manner  which 
remained.  She  therefore  hid  the  infant  in  a  small 
fissure,  or  cave,  of  a  rock,  and  as  the  only  means 
she  had  of  supplying  him  with  subsistence, 
hung  by  a  string  round  his  neck  a  large  piece 
of  lard.  The  poor  woman  had  only  time  to  get 
a  little  way  from  the  place  where  she  had  con- 
cealed her  charge,  when  she  was  made  prisoner 
by  the  pursuers.  As  she  denied  any  know- 
ledge where  the  child  was,  they  dismissed  her 
as  a  person  of  no  consequence,  but  not  until 
they  had  kept  her  two  or  three  days  in  close 
confinement,  menacing  her  with  death  unless 
she  would  discover  what  she  had  done  with  the 
infant. 


DONALD    OF    THE    HAMMER.  09 


When  she  found  herself  at  liberty  and  unob- 
served, she  went  to  the  hole  in  which  she  had 
concealed  her  charge,  with  little  hope  save  of 
finding  such  relics  as  wolves,  wild  cats,  or  birds 
of  prey,  might  have  left  after  feasting  upon  its 
flesh,  but  still  with  the  pious  wish  to  consign 
the  remains  of  her  dault,  or  foster-child,  to 
some  place  of  Christian  burial.  But  her  joy 
and  surprise  were  extreme  to  find  the  child  still 
alive  and  well,  having  lived  during  her  absence 
by  sucking  tlie  lard,  which  it  had  reduced  to  a 
very  small  morsel,  scarce  larger  than  a  hazel 
nut.  The  delighted  nurse  made  all  haste  to 
escape  with  her  charge  to  the  neighbouring  dis- 
trict of  Moidart,  of  which  she  was  a  native,  be- 
ing the  ^\dfe  of  the  smith  of  the  clan  of  Mac- 
Donald,  to  whom  that  country  belonged  ;  the 
mother  of  the  infant  thus  miraculously  rescued 
had  also  been  a  daughter  of  this  tribe. 

To  ensure  the  safety  of  her  foster-child,  the 
nurse  persuaded  her  husband  to  bring  it  up  as 
their  own  son.  The  smith,  you  must  remark, 
of  a  Highland  tribe,  was  a  person  of  considera- 
ble consequence.  His  skill  in  forging  armour 
and  weapons  was  usually  united  with  dexterity 
in  using  them,  and  with  the  strength  of  body 
which  his  profession  required.  If  I  recollect 
right,  the  smith  usually  ranked  as  third  officer 
in  the  chief's  household.  The  young  Donald 
Stewart,  as  he  grew  up,  was  distinguished  for 
great  personal  strength.  He  became  skilful  in 
his  foster-father's  art,  and  so  powerful,  that  he 
could,  it  is  said,  wield  two  fore-hammers,  one 
in  each  hand,  for  hours  together.     From  this 


100  THE    STORY    OF 

circumstance,  he  gained  the  name  of  Donuil 
nan  Ord,  that  is,  Donald  of  the  Hammer,  by 
which  he  was  all  his  life  distinguished. 

When  he  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one, 
Donald's  foster-father,  the  smith,  observing 
that  his  courage  and  enterprise  equalled  his 
personal  strength,  thought  fit  to  discover  to 
him  the  secret  of  his  birth,  the  injuries  which 
he  had  received  from  Green  Colin  of  DunstafT- 
nage,  and  the  pretensions  which  he  had  to  the 
property  of  Invernahyle,  now  in  the  possession 
of  the  man  who  had  slain  his  father,  and  usurp- 
ed his  inheritance.  He  concluded  his  discovery 
by  presenting  to  his  beloved  foster-child  his 
own  six  sons  to  be  his  followers  and  defenders 
for  life  and  death,  and  his  assistants  in  the  re- 
covery of  his  patrimony. 

Law  of  every  description  was  unknown  in 
the  Highlands.  Young  Donald  proceeded  in 
his  enterprise  by  hostile  measures.  In  addition 
to  his  six  foster-brethren,  he  got  some  assist- 
ance from  his  mother's  kindred,  and  levied 
among  the  old  adherents  of  his  father,  and  his 
kinsmen  of  the-house  of  Appin,  such  additional 
force,  that  he  was  able  to  give  battle  to  Green 
Colin,  whom  he  defeated  and  slew,  regaining  at 
the  same  time  his  father's  house  and  estate  of 
Invernahyle.  This  success  had  its  dangers ; 
for  it  placed  the  young  chief  in  feud  with  all 
the  families  of  the  powerful  clan  of  Campbell, 
to  which  the  slain  Dunstaffnagc  belonged  by 
alliance  at  least,  for  Green  Colin  and  his  ances- 
tors had  assumed  the  name,  and  placed  them- 
selves under  the  banner,  of  this  formidable  clan, 


DONALD    OF    THE    HAMMER.  101 

although  originally  they  were  chieftains  of  a 
different  and  independent  race.  The  feud  be- 
came more  deadly,  when,  not  satisfied  with  re- 
venging himself  on  the  immediate  authors  of 
his  early  misfortune,  Donald  made  inroads  on 
the  Campbells  in  their  own  dominions  ;  in  evi- 
dence of  which  his  historian  quotes  a  verse  to 
this  purpose — 

Donald  of  the  Smithy,  the  Son  of  the  Hammer, 

Fill'd  the  banks  of  Lochawe  with  mourning  and  clamour. 

At  length  the  powerful  Earl  of  Argyle  re- 
sented the  injuries  which  were  offered  to  his 
clansmen  and  kindred.  The  Stewarts  of  Appin 
refused  to  support  their  kinsman  against  an 
enemy  so  formidable,  and  insisted  that  he  should 
seek  for  peace  with  the  Earl.  So  that  Donald, 
left  to  himself,  and  sensible  that  he  was  unable 
to  withstand  the  force  which  might  be  brought 
against  him  by  this  mighty  chief,  endeavoured 
to  propitiate  his  favour  by  placing  himself  in 
his  hands. 

He  went,  accordingly,  with  only  a  single  at- 
tendant, towards  Inverary,  the  castle  of  the  Earl 
of  Argyle,  who  met  him  at  some  distance  in  the 
open  fields.  Donald  of  the  Hammer  showed 
on  this  occasion  that  it  was  not  fear  which  had 
induced  him  to  this  step.  He  was  a  man  of 
ready  wit  and  a  poet,  which  was  an  accom- 
plishment high  in  the  estimation  of  the  High- 
landers. He  opened  the  conference  with  an 
extempore  verse,  which  intimated  a  sort  of  de- 
fiance, rather  like  the  language  of  a  man  that 
9* 


102  THE    STORY    OF 


cared  not  what  might  befall  him,  than  one  who 
craved  mercy  or  asked  forgiveness. 

Son  of  dark  Colin,  thou  dangerous  Earl, 
Small  is  the  boon  that  I  crave  at  thy  hand; 

Enough  if  in  safety  from  bondage  and  peril, 
Thou  lett'st  me  return  to  my  kindred  and  land. 

The  Earl  was  too  generous  to  avail  himself 
of  the  advantage  which  Invernahyle's  confi- 
dence had  afforded  him,  but  he  could  not  ab- 
stain from  maintaining  the  conversation  thus 
begun,  in  a  gibing  tone.  Donuil  nan  Ord  was 
harsh-featured,  and  had  a  custom,  allied  to  his 
mode  of  education,  and  the  haughtiness  of  his 
character,  of  throwing  back  his  head,  and 
laughing  loudly  with  his  mouth  wide  open.  In 
ridicule  of  this  peculiarity,  Argyle,  or  one  of 
his  attendants,  pointed  out  to  his  observation, 
a  rock  in  the  neighbourhood,  which  bore  a  sin- 
gular resemblance  to  a  human  face,  with  a  large 
mouth  much  thrown  back,  and  open  as  if 
laughing  a  horse  laugh.  "  Do  you  see  yonder 
crag?"  they  said  to  Donald  of  the  Hammer, 
"it  is  called  Gaire  Granda,  or  the  Ugly 
Laugh.^'  Donald  felt  the  intended  gibe,  and 
as  Argyle's  lady  was  a  plain  and  haughty  wo- 
man, he  replied,  without  hesitation,  in  a  verse 
like  the  following : 

Ugly  the  sneer  of  yon  cliiFof  the  hill, 

Nature  has  stamp'd  the  grim  laugh  on  the  place: 

Seek  for  a  grimmer  and  uglier  still, 

You  will  find  it  at  home  in  your  countess's  face. 

Argyle  took  the  raillery  of  Donald  in  good 
part,  but  would  not  make  peace  with  him,  until 


DONALD    OF    THE    HAMMER.  103 

lie  agreed  to  make  two  creaghs,  or  inroads,  one 
upon  Moidart,  and  one  upon  Athole.  It  seems 
probable  that  the  purpose  of  Argyle  was  to  en- 
gage his  t»roublesome  neighbour  in  a  feud  with 
other  clans  to  whom  he  bore  no  good- will ;  for 
whether  he  of  the  Hammer  fell  or  was  success- 
ful, the  Earl,  in  either  event,  would  gain  a  cer- 
tain advantage.  Donald  accepted  peace  with 
the  Campbells  on  these  terms. 

On  his  return  home,  Donald  communicated 
to  MacDonald  of  Moidart  the  engagement  he 
had  come  under;  and  that  chieftain, his  mother's 
kinsman  and  ally,  concerted  that  Invernahyle 
and  his  band  should  plunder  certain  villages  in 
Moidart,  the  inhabitants  of  %vhich  had  oflended 
him,  and  on  whom  he  desired  chastisement 
should  be  inflicted.  The  incursion  of  Donald 
the  Hammerer  punished  them  to  some  purpose, 
and  so  far  he  fulfilled  his  engagement  to  Argyle, 
without  making  an  enemy  of  his  own  kinsman. 
With  the  Athole  men,  as  more  distant  and  un- 
connected with  him,  Donald  stood  on  less  ce- 
remony, and  made  more  than  one  successful 
creagh  upon  them.  His  name  was  now  esta- 
blished as  one  of  the  most  formidable  marau- 
ders known  in  the  Highlands,  and  a  very 
bloody  action  which  he  sustained  against  the 
family  of  the  Grahams  of  Monteith,  made  him 
more  dreaded. 

The  Earls  of  Monteith,  you  must  know,  had 
a  castle  situated  upon  an  island  in  the  lake,  or 
loch,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  same  name.  But 
though  this  residence,  which  occupied  almost 
the  whole  of  the  islet  upon  which  its  ruins  etill 


104  THE    STORY    OF 

exist,  was  a  strong  and  safe  place  of  abode,  and 
adapted  accordingly  to  such  perilous  times,  it 
had  this  inconvenience,  that  the  stables,  co\\'- 
houses,  poultry-yard,  and  other  domestic 
offices,  were  necessarily  separated  from  the 
castle,  and  situated  on.  the  mainland,  as  it  would 
have  been  impossible  to  be  constantly  tran- 
sporting the  animals  belonging  to  the  esta- 
blishment to  and  fro  from  the  shore  to  the  island. 
These  offices,  therefore,  were  constructed  on 
the  banks  of  the  lake,  and  in  some  sort  de- 
fenceless. 

It  happened  on  one  occasion  that  there  was 
to  be  a  great~entertainment  in  the  castle,  and  a 
number  of  the  Grahams  were  assembled.  The 
occasion,  it  is  said,  was  a  marriage  in  the 
family.  To  prepare  for  this  feast,  much  pro- 
vision was  got  ready,  and  in  particular  a  great 
deal  of  poultry  had  been  collected.  While  the 
feast  was  preparing,  an  unhappy  chance 
brought  Donald  of  the  Hammer  to  the  side  of 
the  lake,  returning  at  the  head  of  a  band  of 
hun^y  followers,  whom  he  was  conducting 
.homewards  to  the  West  Highlands,  after  some 
of  his  usual  excursions  into  Stirlingshire.  See- 
ing so  much  good  victuals  ready,  and  being 
possessed  of  an  excellent  apetite,  the  western 
Highlanders  neither  asked  questions,  or  waited 
for  an  invitation,  but  devoured  all  the  provi- 
sions that  had  been  prepared  for  the  Grahams, 
and  then  went  on  their  Avay  rejoicing,  tlirough 
the  difficult  and  dangerous  path  which  leads 
from  the  banks  of  the  lochof  Monteith,  through 
the  mountains,  to  the  side  of  Loch  Katrine. 


DONALD    OF    THE    HAMMER.  105 

The  Grahams  were  filled  with  the  highest 
indignation.  Nothing  in  those  fierce  times  was 
so  contemptible  as  an  individual  who  would 
suffer  himself  to  be  plundered  without  exacting 
satisfaction  and  revenge,  and  the  loss  of  their 
dinner  probably  aggravated  their  sense  of  the 
insult.  The  company  who  were  assembled  at 
the  castle  of  Monteith,  headed  by  the  Earl  him- 
self, hastily  took  to  their  boats,  and,  disembark- 
ing on  the  northern  side  of  the  lake,  pursued 
with  all  speed  the  marauders  and  their  leader. 
They  came  up  with  Donald's  party  in  the  gorge 
of  a  pass,  near  a  rock,  called  Craig-Vad,  or  the 
Wolf's  clifi'.  Here  the  Grahams  called,  with 
loud  insults,  on  the  Appin  men  to  stand,  and 
one  of  them,  in  allusion  to  the  execution  which 
had  been  done  amongst  the  poultry,  exclaimed 
in  verse — 

They're  brave  gallants,  these  Appin  men, 
To  twist  the  throat  of  cock  and  hen  ! 

Donald  instantly  replied  to  the  reproach — 

And  if  we  be  of  Appin's  line, 
We'll  twist  a  goose's  neck  in  thine. 

So  saying,  he  shot  the  unlucky  scoffer  vriih 
an  arrow.  The  battle  then  began,  and  was 
continued  with  much  fury  till  night  came.  The 
Earl  of  Monteith  and  many  of  his  noble  kins- 
men fell,  while  Donald,  favoured  by  darkness, 
escaped  with  a  single  attendant.  The  Grahams 
obtained  from  the  cause  of  quarrel  the  nickname 
of  Gramoch  and  Garrigh,  or  Grahams  of  the 
hens  ;  although  they  certainly  lost  no  honour 


106  THE    STORY    OF 


in  the  encounter,  having  fought  like  game- 
cocks. 

Donald  of  the  Hammer  was  twice  married. 
His  second  marriage  was  highly  displeasing  to 
his  eldest  son,  whom  he  had  by  his  first  wife. 
This  young  man,  whose  name  was  Duncan, 
seems  to  have  partaken  rather  of  the  disposition 
of  his  grandfather,  Alister  Saoileach,  or  the 
Peaceful,  than  of  the  turbulent  spirit  of  his 
father  the  Hammerer.  He  quitted  the  family 
mansion  in  displeasure,  and  passed  to  a  farm 
called  Inverfalla,  which  his  father  bad  bestowed 
upon  his  nurse  in  reward  for  her  eminent  ser- 
vices. Duncan  lived  with  this  valued  connex- 
ion of  the  family,  who  was  now  in  the  extremity 
of  old  age,  and  amused  himself  with  attempting 
to  improve  the  cultivation  of  tlie  farm  ;  a  task 
which  not  only  was  considered  as  far  below  the 
dignity  of  a  highland  gentleman,  but  even  re- 
garded as  the  last  degree  of  degradation. 

The  idea  of  his  son's  occupying  himself  witli 
agi'i cultural  operations  struck  so  much  shame 
and  anger  into  the  heapt  of  Donald  the  Ham- 
merer, that  his  resentment  against  him  became 
ungovernable.  At  length,  as  he  walked  by  his 
own  side  of  the  river,  and  looked  towards  In- 
verfalla, he  saw,  to  his  extreme  displeasure,  a 
number  of  men  employed  in  digging  and  level- 
ling the  soil  for  some  intended  crop.  Soon  af- 
ter, he  had  the  additional  mortification  to  see 
his  son  come  out  and  mingle  with  the  workmen, 
as  if  giving  them  directions  ;  and,  finally,  be- 
held him  take  the  spade  out  of  an  awkward  fel- 
low's hand,  and  dig  a  little  himself,  to  show 


DONALD    OF    THE    HAMMER.  lO? 

him  how  to  use  it.  This  last  act  of  degeneracy- 
drove  the  Hammerer  frantic ;  he  seized  a  ciir- 
rah,  or  boat  covered  with  hides,  which  was 
near,  jumped  into  it,  and  pushed  across  the 
stream,  with  the  determination  of  destroying 
the  son,  Avho  had,  in  his  opinion,  brought  such 
unutterable  disgrace  upon  his  family.  The 
poor  agriculturist,  seeing  his  father  approach  in 
such  haste,  and  having  a  shrewd  guess  of  the 
nature  of  his  paternal  intentions,  fled  into  the 
house  and  hid  himself.  Donald  followed  with 
his  drawn  weapon  ;  but,  deceived  by  passion 
and  darkness,  he  plunged  his  sword  into  the 
body  of  one  whom  he  saw  lying  on  the  bed- 
clothes. Instead  of  his  son,  for  whom  the  blow 
was  intended,  it  lighted  on  the  old  foster-mo- 
ther, to  whom  he  owed  his  life  in  infancy  and 
education  in  youth,  and  slew  her  on  the  spot. 
After  this  misfortune,  Donald  became  deeply 
aflfected  with  remorse  ;  and,  giving  up  all  his 
estates  to  his  children,  he  retired  to  the  Abbey 
of  Saint  Columbus,  in  lona,  and  passed  the 
remainder  of  his  days  as  a  monk. 

It  may  easily  be  believed,  that  there  was  lit- 
tle peace  and  quiet  in  a  country  abounding 
with  such  men  as  the  Hammerer,  who  thought 
the  practice  of  honest  industry  on  the  part  of 
a  gentleman  was  an  act  of  degeneracy,  for 
which  nothing  short  of  death  was  an  adequate 
punishment ;  so  that  the  disorderly  state  of  the 
Highlands  was  little  short  of  that  of  the  Isles. 
Still,  however,  many  of  the  principal  chiefs  at- 
tended occasionally  at  the  court  of  Scotland ; 
others  were  frequently  obliged   to  send  their 


1Q8  EXECUTION    OF    THE 

sons  to  be  educated  there,  who  were  retained 
as  hostages  for  the  peaceful  behaviour  of  the 
clan  ;  so  that  by  degrees  they  came  to  improve 
with  the  increasing  civilization  of  the  times. 

The  authority  also  of  the  great  nobles,  who 
held  estates  in  or  adjacent  to  the  Highlands, 
was  a  means,  though  a  rough  one,  of  making 
the  district  over  which  they  exercised  their  pow- 
er, submit,  in  a  certain  degree,  to  the  occasional 
influence  of  the  laws.  It  is  true,  that  the  great 
Earls  of  Huntly,  Arg^yle,  Sutherland,  and 
other  nobles,  did  not  enfiprce  the  Lowland  in- 
stitutions upon  their  Highland  vassals  out  of 
mere  zeal  for  their  civilization,  but  rather  be- 
cause, by  taking  care  to  secure  the  power  of 
the  sovereign  and  the  laws  on  their  own  side, 
Tthey  could  make  the  infraction  of  them  by  the 
smaller  independent  chiefs  the  pretext  for 
breaking  down  entire  clans,  and  binding  them 
to  their  own  authority. 

I  will  give  you  an  example  of  the  manner  in 
which  a  noble  lady  chastised  a  Highland  chief 
in  the  reign  of  James  the  Sixth.  The  head  of 
the  House  of  Gordon,  then  Marquis  of  Hunt- 
ly, was  by  far  the  most  powerful  lord  in  the 
northern  counties,  and  exercised  great  influ- 
ence over  the  Highland  clans  who  inhabited 
the  mountains  of  Badenoch,  which  lay  behind 
his  extensive  domains.  One  of  the  most  ancient 
is  that  of  Macintosh,  a  word  which  means 
Child  of  the  Thane,  as  they  boast  their  descent 
from  Mac'Dufl",  the  celebrated  Thane  of  Fife. 

This  haughty  race  having  ftillcn  at  variance 
with  the  Gordons,  William  Macintosh,  their 


LAIRD    OF    MACINTOSH.  109 

chief,  carried  his  enmity  to  so  great  a  pitch,  as 
to  surprise  and  burn  the  Castle  of  Auchin- 
down,  belonging  to  the  Gordon  family.  The 
Marquis  of  Huntly  vowed  the  severest  ven- 
geance. He  moved  against  the  Macintoshes 
with  his  own  chivalry  ;  and  he  let  loose  upon 
the  devoted  tribe,  all  such  neighbouring  clans 
as  would  do  any  thing,  as  the  old  phrase  was, 
for  his  love  or  for  his  fear. 

Macintosh,  after  a  short  struggle,  found  him- 
self unequal  to  sustain  the  conflict,  and  saw 
that  he  must  either  behold  his  clan  totally  ex- 
terminated, or  contrive  some  mode  of  pacify- 
ing Huntley's  resentment.  Of  the  last  he  saw 
no  chance,  save  by  surrendering  himself  into 
the  power  of  the  Marquis,  and  thus  personally 
atoning  for  the  offence  which  he  had  commit- 
ted. To  perform  this  act  of  generous  devo- 
tion with  as  much  chance  of  safety  as  possible, 
he  chose  a  time  when  the  Marquis  himself  was 
absent,  and  asking  for  the  lady,  whom  he 
judged  likely  to  prove  less  inexorable  than  her 
husband,  he  presented  himself  as  the  unhappy 
Laird  of  Macintosh,  who  came  to  deliver  him- 
self up  to  the  Gordon,  to  answer  for  his  burn- 
ing of  Auchindown,  and  only  desired  that 
Huntly  would  spare  his  clan. 

The  Marchioness,  a  stern  and  haughty  wo- 
man, had  shared  deeply  in  her  husband's  re- 
sentment. She  regarded  Macintosh  with  a 
stern  eye,  as  the  hawk  or  eagle  contemplates  the 
prey  within  its  clutch,  and  having  spoken  a  word 
aside  to  her  attendants,  replied  to  the  suppliant 
chief  in  this  manner : — "  Macintosh,  vou  have 

Vol.  I.  10 


110  RACE    OF    THE    TROUGH. 

offended  the  Gordon  so  deeply,  that  Huntly 
has  sworn  by  his  father's  soul,  that  he  will 
never  pardon  you,  till  he  has  brought  your 
neck  to  the  block." — "  I  will  stoop  even  to  that 
humiliation,  to  secure  the  safety  of  my  father's 
house,"  said  Macintosh.  And  as  this  inter- 
view passed  in  the  kitchen  of  the  Castle  at 
Bog  of  Gicht,  he  undid  the  collar  of  his  doub- 
let, and  kneeling  down  before  the  huge  block 
on  which,  in  the  rude  hospitality  of  the  time, 
the  slain  bullocks  and  sheep  were  broken  up 
for  use,  he  laid  his  neck  upon  it,  expecting, 
doubtless,  that  the  lady  would  be  satisfied  with 
this  token  of  unreserved  submission.  But  the 
inexorable  Marchioness  made  a  sign  to  the 
cook,  who  stepped  forward  with  his  hatchet 
raised,  and  struck  Macintosh's  head  from  his 
body. 

Another  story,  and  I  will  change  the  subject. 
It  is  also  of  the  family  of  Gordon  ;  not  that 
they  were  by  any  means  more  hard-hearted 
than  other  Scottish  barons,  who  had  feuds  with 
the  Highlanders,  but  because  it  is  the  readiest 
which  occurs  to  my  recollection.  The  Far- 
quharsons  of  Dee  side,  a  bold  and  warlike 
people,  inhabiting  the  dales  of  Brae-mar,  had 
taken  offence  at,  and  slain,  a  gentleman  of  con- 
sequence, named  Gordon  of  Brackley.  The 
Marquis  of  Huntly  summoned  his  forces,  to 
take  a  bloody  vengeance  for  the  death  of  a 
Gordon  ;  and  that  none  of  the  guilty  tribe 
might  escape,  communicated  with  the  Laird  of 
Grant,  a  very  powerful  chief,  who  was  an  ally 
of  Huntly,  and  a  relation,   I  believe,   to  the 


RACE    OF    THE    TROUGH.  Ill 

slain  Baron  of  Brackley.  They  agreed,  that, 
on  a  day  appointed,  Grafiii  with  his  clan  in 
arms,  should  occupy  the  upper  end  of  the  vale 
of  Dee,  while  the  Gordons  should  ascend  the 
river  from  beneath,  each  party  killing,  burning, 
and  destroying,  without  mercy,  whatever  and 
whomsoever  they  found  before  them.  A  terri- 
ble massacre  was  made  among  the  Farquhar- 
sons,  taken  at  unawares,  and  placed  betwixt 
two  enemies.  Almost  all  the  men  and  women 
of  the  race  were  slain,  and  when  the  day  was 
done,  Huntly  found  himself  encumbered  with 
about  two  hundred  orphan  children,  whose  pa- 
rents had  been  killed.  What  became  of  them, 
you  shall  presently  hear. 

About  a  year  after  this  foray,  the  Laird  of 
Grant  chanced  to  dine  at  the  Marquis's  castle. 
He  was,  of  course,  received  with  kindness,  and 
entertained  with  magnificence.  After  dinner 
was  over,  Huntly  said  to  his  guest,  that  he 
would  show  him  some  rare  sport.  According- 
ly, he  conducted  Grant  to  a  balcony,  which,  as 
was  frequent  in  old  mansions,,  overlooked  the 
kitchen,  perhaps  to  permit  the  lady  to  give  an 
occasional  eye  to  the  operations  there.  The 
numerous  servants  of  the  Marquis  and  his  vi- 
siters had  already  dined,  and  Grant  beheld  all 
the  remains  of  the  victuals  flung  at  random 
into  a  large  trough,  like  that  out  of  which 
swine  feed.  While  Graat  was  wondering 
what  this  could  mean,  the  master  cook  gave  a 
signal  with  his  silver  whistle  ;  on  which  a 
hatch,  like  that  of  a  dog-kennel,  was  raised, 
and  there  rushed  into  the  kitchen,  some  shriek- 


112  RACE    OF    THE    TROUGH. 

ing,  some  shouting,  some  yelling — not  a  pack 
of  hounds,  which,  in  number,  noise,  and  tu- 
mult, they  greatly  resembled,  but  a  huge  mob 
of  children,  half  naked,  and  totally  wild  in 
their  manners,  who  threw  themselves  on  the 
contents  of  the  trough,  and  fought,  strug- 
gled, and  clamoured,  each  to  get  the  largest 
share. 

Grant  was  a  man  of  humanity,  and  did  not 
see  in  that  degrading  scene  all  the  amusement 
which  his  noble  host  had  intended  to  afford 
him.  "In  the  name  of  Heaven,"  he  said,  "who 
are  these  unfortunate  creatures  that  are  fed  like 
so  many  pigs?" — "  They  are  the  children  of  those 
Farquharsons  whom  we  slew  last  year  on  Dee 
side,"  answered  Huntly.  The  Laird  felt  more 
shocked  than  it  would  have  been  prudent  or 
polite  to  express.  "  My  lord,"  he  said,  "  my 
sword  helped  to  make  these  poor  children  or- 
phans, and  it  is  not  fair  that  your  lordship 
should  be  burdened  with  all  the  expense  of 
maintaining  them.  You  have  supported  them 
for  a  year  and  day — allow  me  now  to  take 
them  to  Castle-Grant,  and  keep  them  for  the 
same  time  at  my  cost." 

Huntly  was  tired  of  the  joke  of  the  pig- 
trough,  and  willingly  consented  to  have  the  un- 
disciplined rabble  of  children  taken  off  his 
hands.  He  troubled  himself  no  more  about 
them  ;  and  the  Laird  of  Grant,  carrying  them 
to  his  castle,  had  them  dispersed  among  his 
clan,  and  brought  up  decently,  giving  them  his 
own  name  of  Grant;  but  it  is  said  their  descend- 
ants are  still  called  the  Race  of  the  Trough,  to 


EXECUTION  OF  THE  EARL  OF  ORKNEY.       113 

distinguish  them  from  the  families  of  the  tribe 
into  which  they  were  adopted. 

These  are  instances  of  the  severe  authority- 
exercised  by  the  great  barons  over  their  High- 
land neighbours  and  vassals.  Still  that  autho- 
rity produced  a  regard  to  the  laws,  which  they 
would  not  otherwise  have  received.  These 
mighty  lords,  though  possessed  of  great  power 
in  their  jurisdictions,  never  affected  entire  inde- 
pendence, as  had  been  done  by  the  old  Lords 
of  the  Isles,  Ayho  made  peace  and  war  with 
England,  without  the  consent  of  the  King  of 
Scotland ;  whereas,  Argyle,  Huntly,  and  others, 
always  used  at  least  the  pretext  of  the  king's 
name  and  authority,  and  were,  from  habit  and 
education,  less  apt  to  practise  wild  stretches  of 
arbitrary  power  than  the  native  chiefs  of  the 
Highlands.  In  proportion,  therefore,  as  the 
influence  of  the  nobles  increased,  the  country 
approached  more  nearly  to  civilization. 

It  must  not  here  be  forgotten,  that  the  in- 
crease of  power  acquired  by  the  sovereign,  had 
been  felt  severely  by  one  of  his  great  feudal 
lords,  for  exercising  violence  and  oppression, 
even  in  the  most  distant  extremity  of  the  em- 
pire. The  Earl  of  Orkney,  descended  from  a 
natural  son  of  James  V.,  and  of  course  a  cousin- 
german  of  the  reigning  monarch,  had  indulged 
himself  in  extravagant  excesses  of  arbitrary 
authority  amongst  the  wild  recesses  of  the  Ork- 
ney and  Zetland  islands.  He  had  also,  it  was 
alleged,  shown  some  token  of  a  Vv  ish  to  assume 
sovereign  power,  and  had  caused  his  natural 
son  to  defend  the  Castle  of  Kirkwall,  by  force 
10* 


114    EXECUTION    OF    THE    EARL    OF    ORKNEY. 

of  arms,  against  the  King's  troops.  For  these 
offences  the  earl  was  tried  and  executed  at 
Edinburgh ;  and  his  punishment  struck  such 
terror  among  the  aristocracy,  as  made  even 
those  great  lords,  whose  power  lay  in  the  most 
distant  and  inaccessible  places  of  Scotland,  dis- 
posed to  be  amenable  to  the  royal  authority. 

Having  thus  discussed  the  changes  effected 
by  the  union  of  the  crowns  on  the  Borders, 
Highlands,  and  Isles,  it  remains  to  notice  the 
effects  produced  in  the  Lowlands,  or  more  civi- 
lized parts  of  the  kingdom. 


I 


I   n&  1 


CHAP.  VII 

Injurious  Effects  to  Scotland  of  the  Removal 
of  the  Court  to  London — Numerous  Scots- 
men  employed  in  Foreign  Military  Service 
— and  as  Travelling  Merchants,  or  Pack- 
men, in  Germany — Exertions  of  the  Preshy 
terian  Clergy  to  put  an  end  to  Family  Feuds^ 
and  to  extend  Education — Establishment^ 
by    their    means,    of   Parochial  Schools — 

.    James  Ws   Visit  to  Scotland  in  1617 — his 
Death — his  Children. 

The  Scottish  people  were  soon  made  sensi- 
ble, that  if  their  courtiers  and  great  men  made 
fortunes  by  King  James's  favour,  the  nation  at 
large  was  not  enriched  by  the  union  of  th« 
crowns.  Edinburgh  was  no  longer  the  resi- 
dence of  a  Court,  whose  expenditure,  though 
very  moderate,  was  diffused  among  her  mer- 
chants and  citizens,  and  v/as  so  far  of  import- 
ance. The  sons  of  the  gentry  and  better  class- 
es, whose  sole  trade  had  been  war  and  battle, 
were  deprived  of  employment  by  the  general 
peace  with  England,  and  the  nation  was  likely 
to  feel  all  the  distress  arising  from  an  excess  of 
population.  The  wars  on  the  Continent  afford- 
ed a  resource  peculiarly  fitted  to  the  genius  of 
the  Scots,  who  have  always  had  a  disposition 
for  visiting  foreign  parts. 

The  celebrated  Thirty  Years*  War,  as  it  was 
ealled.  was  now  raging  in  Germany,  and  a  large 


116  SCOTSMEN    IN    FOREIGN    SERVICE. 

national  brigade  of  Scots  were  engaged  in  the 
service  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  King  of  Sweden, 
one  of  the  most  successful  generals  of  the  age. 
Their  total  numbers  may  be  guessed  from  those 
of  the  superior  officers,  which  amounted  to 
thirty-four  colonels,  and  fifty  lieutenant-colo- 
nels. The  similarity  of  the  religion  of  the 
Scots  with  that  of  the  Swedes,  and  some 
congenial  resemblances  betwixt  the  two  na- 
tions, as  well  as  the  high  fame  of  Gustavus, 
made  most  of  the  Scots  prefer  the  service 
of  Sweden ;  but  there  were  others  who  went 
into  that  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  of  France, 
of  the  Italian  States, — in  short,  they  were  dis- 
persed as  soldiers  throughout  all  Europe.  It 
was  not  uncommon,  when  a  party  of  Scots  were 
mounting  a  breach,  for  them  to  hear  some  of 
the  defenders  call  out  in  the  Scottish  language, 
"  Come  on,  gentlemen  ;  this  is  not  like  gallant- 
ing it  at  the  Cross  of  Edinburgh,"  and  thus 
learn  that  they  were  opposed  to  some  of  their 
countrymen  engaged  on  the  opposite  side. 

The  taste  for  foreign  service  was  so  univer- 
sal, that  young  gentlemen  of  family,  who  "wish- 
ed to  see  the  world,  used  to  travel  on  the  Con- 
tinent from  place  to  place,  and  from  state  to 
state,  and  defray  their  expenses  by  engaging 
for  a  few  weeks  or  months  in  military  service 
in  the  garrison  or  guards  of  the  state  in  which 
they  made  their  temporary  residence.  It  is 
but  doing  the  Scots  justice  to  say,  that  while 
thus  acting  as  mercenary  soldiers,  they  ac- 
quired a  high  character  for  courage,  military 
fcikill,  and  a  faithful  adherence  to  their  engage- 


SCOTSMEN    IN     FOREIGN    SERVICE.  11? 

>^ • 

ments.  The  Scots  regiments  in  the  Swedish 
service  were  the  first  troops  Avho  employed 
platoon  firing,  by  which  they  contributed 
greatly  to  achieve  the  decisive  battle  of  Lutzen. 

Besides  the  many  thousand  Scottish  emi- 
grants Avho  pursued  the  trade  of  war  on  the 
Continent,  there  was  another  numerous  class 
who  undertook  the  toilsome  and  precarious 
task  of  travelling  merchants,  or  to  speak  plain- 
ly, of  pedlers,  and  were  employed  in  conducting 
the  petty  inlanu  commerce,  which  gave  the  in- 
habitants of  Germany,  Poland,  and  the  north- 
ern parts  of  Europe  in  general,  opportunities 
of  purchasing  articles  of  domestic  convenience. 

There  were  at  that  time  few  towns,  and  in 
these  tov/ns  there  were  few  shops  regularly 
open.  When  an  inhabitant  of  the  country,  of 
high  or  low  degree,  had  to  purchase  any  article 
of  dress  or  domestic  convenience  which  he  did 
not  manufacture  himself,  he  was  obliged  to  at- 
tend at  the  next  fair,  to  which  the  travelling 
merchants  flocked,  in  order  to  expose  their 
goods  to  sale.  Or  if  the  buyer  did  not  choose 
to  take  that  trouble,  he  must  wait  till  some 
pedler,  who  carried  his  goods  on  horseback,  in 
a  small  wain,  or  perhaps  in  a  pack  upon  his 
shoulders,  made  his  wandering  journey  through 
the  country. 

It  has  been  made  matter  of  ridicule  against 
the  Scots,  that  this  traffic  fell  into  their  hands, 
as  a  frugal,  patient,  provident,  and  laborious 
people,  possessing  some  share  of  education, 
which  we  shall  presently  see  was  now  be- 
coming general  amongst  them.     But  we  cannot 


118  IMPERFECT    ENTORCEMEAT 

think  that  the  business  which  required  such 
attributes  to  succeed  in  it,  could  be  dishonoura- 
ble to  those  who  pursued  it ;  and  we  believe 
that  those  Scots  who,  in  honest  commerce, 
supplied  foreigners  with  the  goods  they  re 
quired,  were  at  least  as  well  employed  as  those 
who  assisted  them  in  killing  each  other. 

While  the  Scots  thus  continued  to  improve 
their  condition  by  enterprise  abroad,  they  gra- 
dually sunk  into  peaceful  habits  at  home.  In 
the  wars  of  Queen  Mary's  time,  and  those  of 
King  James's  minority,  we  have  the  autho- 
rity of  a  great  lawyer,  the  first  Earl  of  Had- 
dington, generally  known  by  the  name  of 
Tom  of  the  Cowgate,  to  assure  us,  that  "  the 
whole  country  was  so  miserably  distracted,  not 
only  by  the  accustomed  barbarity  of  the  High- 
lands and  Borders,  which  was  greatly  increas- 
ed, but  by  the  cruel  dissensions  arising  from 
public  factions  and  private  feuds,  that  men  of 
every  rank  daily  wore  steel-jacks,  knapscaps  or 
head-pieces,  plate-sleeves,  and  pistols  and  po- 
niards, being  as  necessary  parts  of  their  apparel 
as  their  doublets  and  breeches."  Their  dispo- 
sition was,  of  course,  as  warlike  as  their  dress  ; 
and  the  same  authority  informs  us,  that  what- 
ever was  the  cause  of  their  assemblies  or  meet- 
ings, fights  and  afiVays  were  the  necessary 
consequence  before  they^  separated  ;  and  this 
not  at  parliaments,  conventions,  trysts,  and 
markets  only,  but  likewise  in  churchyards, 
churches,  and  places  appointed  for  the  exer- 
cise of  religion. 

This  universal  state  of  disorder  was  not  ow- 


OF    TIIK    LAWS.  110 


ing-  to  any  want  of  laws  against  such  enormi- 
ties ;  on  the  contrary,  the  Scottish  legislature 
was  more  severe  than  that  of  England,  ac- 
counting a  slaughter  taking  place  on  a  sudden 
quarrel,  without  previous  malice,  as  murder, 
which  the  law  of  England  rated  under  the  milder 
denomination  of  manslaughter.  And  this  seve- 
rity was  introduced  into  the  law,  expressly  to 
restrain  the  peculiar  furious  temper  of  the 
Scottis-h  nation.  It  was  not,  therefore,  laws 
w^hich  Avere  wanting  to  restrain  violence,  but 
the  regular  and  due  execution  of  such  as  existed. 
An  ancient  Scottish  statesman  and  judge,  who 
"was  also  a  poet,  has  alluded  to  the  means  used 
to  save  the  guilty  from  deserved  punishment. 
"  We  are  allowed  some  skill,"  he  says,  "  in 
making  good  laws,  but  God  knows  how  ill  they 
are  kept  and  enforced  ;  since  a  man  accused  of 
a  crime  will  frequently  appear  at  the  bar  of  a 
court  to  which  he  is  summoned,  with  such  a 
company  of  armed  friends  at  his  back,  as  if  it 
were  his  purpose  to  defy  and  intimidate  both 
judge  and  jury."  The  interest  of  great  men, 
moreover,  obtained  often  by  bribes,  interposed 
between  a  criminal  and  justice,  and  saved  by 
court  favour  the  life  which  was  forfeited  to  the 
laws. 

James  made  great  reformation  in  these  parti- 
culars, as  soon  as  his  power,  increased  by  the 
union  of  the  two  kingdoms,  gave  him  the  means 
of  doing  so.  The  laws,  as  we  have  seen  in 
more  cases  than  one,  were  enforced  with 
greater  severity  ;  and  the  assistance  of  power- 
ful friends,  nay,  the  interposition  of  courtiers 


120  HEREDITARY    JL'RISDICTIONS. 

and  favourites,  was  less  successful  in  interfering 
with  the  course  of  justice,  or  obtaining  remis- 
sions and  pardons  for  condemned  criminals. 
Thus  the  wholesome  terror  of  justice  gradually 
imposed  a  restraint  on  the  general  violence  and 
disorder  which  had  followed  the  civil  wars  of 
Scotland. 

Still,  however,  as  the  barons  held,  by  means 
of  their  hereditary  jurisdictions,  the  exclusive 
right  to  try  and  to  punish  such  crimes  as  were 
committed  on  their  own  estates  ;  and  as  they 
often  did  not  choose  to  do  so,  either  because 
the  action  had  been  committed  by  the  baron's 
own  direction ;  or  that  the  malefactor  was  a 
strong  and  active  partizan,  of  whose  service 
the  lord  might  have  need;  or  because  the  judge 
and  criminal  stood  in  some  degree  of  relation- 
ship to  each  other  ;  in  all  such  cases,  the  cul- 
prit's escape  from  justice  was  a  necessary 
consequence.  Nevertheless,  viewing  Scotland 
generally,  the  progress  of  public  justice  at  the 
commencement  of  the  seventeenth  century,  was 
much  purer,  and  less  liable  to  interruption,  than 
in  former  ages,  and  the  disorders  of  the  country 
were  fewer  in  proportion. 

The  law  and  its  terrors  had  its  effect  in  pre- 
venting the  frequency  of  crime  ;  but  it  could 
not  have  been  in  the  power  of  mere  human 
laws,  and  the  punishments  which  they  enacted, 
to  eradicate  from  the  national  feelings  the 
proncnrss  to  violence,  and  the  thirst  of  revenge, 
which  had  been  so  long  a  general  characteristic 
of  the  Scottish  people.  The  heathenish  and 
accursed  custom  of  deadly  feud,  or  the  duty,  as 


INFLUENCE  OF  THE  REFORMERS.    121 

it  was  thought,  of  exacting  blood  for  blood,  and 
perpetuating  a  chance  quarrel,  by  handing  it 
down  to  future  generations,  could  only  give 
place  to  those  pure  religious  doctrines  which 
teach  men  to  practise,  not  the  revenge,  but  the 
forgiveness  of  injuries,  as  the  only  means  of 
acquiring  the  favour  of  Heaven. 

The  Presbyterian  preachers,  in  throwing 
away  the  external  pomp  and  ceremonial  of  reli- 
gious worship,  had  inculcated,  in  its  place,  the 
most  severe  observation  of  morality.  It  was 
objected  to  them,  indeed,  that,  as  in  their  mo 
del  of  church  government,  the  Scottish  clergy 
claimed  an  undue  influence  over  state  affairs, 
so,  in  their  professions  of  doctrine  and  prac- 
tice, they  verged  towards  an  ascetic  system, 
in  which  too  much  weight  was  laid  on  ve- 
nial transgressions,  and  the  opinions  of  other 
Christian  churches  were  treated  with  too  little 
liberality. 

But  no  one  who  considers  their  works,  and 
their  history,  can  deny  to  those  respectable 
men,  the  merit  of  practising,  in  the  most  rigid 
extent,  the  strict  doctrines  of  morality  which 
they  taught.  They  despised  wealth,  shunned 
even  harmless  pleasures,  and  acquired  the  love 
of  their  flocks,  by  attending  to  their  temporal 
as  well  as  spiritual  diseases.  They  preached 
what  they  themselves  seriously  believed,  and 
they  w'ere  believed  because  they  spoke  with 
all  the  earnestness  of  conviction.  They 
spared  neither  example  nor  precept  to  improve 
the  more  ignorant  of  their  hearers,  and  often 
endangered  their  own  lives  in  attempting  to 

Vol.  I.  n 


122         INFLUENCE    OF    THE    REFOrvMEKS. 

put  a  stop  to  the  feuds  and  frays  which  daily 
occurred  in  their  bounds. 

It  is  recorded  of  a  worthy  clergyman,  whose 
parish  was  peculiarly  distracted  by  the  brawls 
of  tlie  quarrelsome  inhabitants,  that  he  used 
constantly  to  wear  a  stout  steel  headpiece, 
which  bore  an  odd  appearance  contrasted  with 
his  clerical  dress.  The  purpose  was,  that 
when  he  saw  swords  drawn  in  the  street, 
which  was  almost  daily,  he  might  run  between, 
the  combatants,  and  thus  separate  them,  with 
less  risk  of  being  killed  by  a  chance  blow.  So 
that  his  venturous  and  dauntless  humanity  was 
perpetually  placing  his  life  in  danger. 

The  clergy  of  that  day  were  frequently  re- 
spectable from  their  birth  and  connexions,  often 
from  their  learning,  and  at  all  times  from  their 
character.  These  qualities  enabled  them  to 
interfere  with  effect,  even  in  the  feuds  of  the 
barons  and  gentry ;  and  they  often  brought  to 
milder  and  more  peaceful  thoughts,  men  who 
would  not  have  listened  to  any  other  interces- 
sors. There  is  no  doubt,  that  these  good  men, 
and  the  Christianity  which  they  taught,  were 
one  of  the  principal  means  of  correcting  the 
furious  temper  and  revengeful  habits  of  the 
Scottish  nation,  in  whose  eyes  bloodshed  and 
deadly  vengeance  had  been  till  then  a  virtue. 

Besides  the  precepts  and  examples  of  reli- 
gion and  morality,  the  encouragement  of  gene- 
ral information  and  knowledge  is  also  an  elfect- 
ual  mode  of  taming  and  subduing  the  wild 
habits  of  a  military  and  barbarous  people. 
For  this  also  the  Lowlands  of  Scotland  were 
indebted  1o  tlio  Presbyterian  ministers. 


SPREAD    OF    EDUCATION.  123 

The  Catholic  clergy  had  been  especially  in- 
strumental in  the  foundation  of  three  univer- 
sities in  Scotland,  namely,  those  of  Glasgow, 
St.  Andrews,  and  Aberdeen  ;  but  these  places 
of  education,  from  the  very  nature  of  their  in- 
stitutions, were  only  calculated  for  the  educa- 
tion of  students  desi-gned  for  the  church,  or  of 
those  youths  from  among  the  higher  classes  of 
the  laity,  whom  their  parents  might  wish  to  re- 
ceive such  information  as  might  qualify  them 
for  lawyers  and  statesmen.  The  more  noble 
view  of  the  Reformed  Church,  was  to  extend 
the  blessings  of  knowledge  to  the  lower,  as 
well  as  the  higher,  classes  of  society. 

The  preachers  of  the  reformation  had  ap- 
pealed to  the  Scriptures  as  the  rule  of  their 
doctrine,  and  it  was  their  honourable  and  libe- 
ral desire,  that  the  poorest,  as  well  as  the  rich- 
est man,  should  have  an  opportunity  of  judg- 
ing, by  his  own  perusal  of  the  sacred  volume, 
whether  they  had  interpreted  the  text  truly  and 
faithfully.  The  invention  of  printing  had 
made  the  Scriptures  accessible  to  every  one, 
and  the  clergy  desired  that  the  meanest  peasant 
should  have  the  skill  necessary  to  peruse  them. 
John  Knox,  and  other  leaders  of  the  Congre- 
gation, had,  from  the  very  era  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, pressed  the  duty  of  reserving  from  the 
confiscated  revenues  of  the  Romish  Church  the 
means  of  providing  for  the  clergy  with  decen- 
cy, and  of  establishing  colleges  and  schools  for 
the  education  of  youth  ;  but  their  wishes  were 
for  a  long  time  disappointed  by  the  avarice  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry,  who  were  determijied 


124  PAROCHIAL    SCHOOLS. 

. ■  ■  » 

to  retain  for  their  own  use  the  spoils  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  by  the  stormy  complex- 
ion of  the  times,  in  which  little  was  regarded 
save  what  belonged  to  politics  and  war. 

At  length  the  legislature,  chiefly  by  the  influ- 
ence of  the  clergy,  was  induced  to  authorize 
the  noble  enactment,  which  appoints  a  school 
to  be  kept  in  every  parish  of  Scotland,  at  a  low 
rate  of  endowment  indeed,  but  such  as  enables 
every  poor  man  within  the  parish  to  procure 
for  his  children  the  knowledge  of  reading  and 
writing  ;  and  aflfords  an  opportunity  for  those 
who  show  a  decided  taste  for  learning,  to  ob- 
tain such  progress  in  classical  knowledge,  as 
may  fit  them  for  college  studies.  There  can 
be  no  doubt,  that  the  opportunity  afforded,  of 
procuring  instruction  thus  easily,  tended,  in 
the  course  of  a  generation,  greatly  to  civilize 
and  humanize  the  character  of  the  Scottish  na- 
tion ;  and  it  is  equally  certain,  that  this  gene- 
ral access  to  useful  knowledge,  has  not  only 
given  rise  to  the  success  of  many  men  of 
genius,  who  otherwise  would  never  have  as- 
pired above  the  humble  rank  in  which  they 
were  born,  but  has  raised  the  common  people 
of  Scotland  in  general,  in  knowledge,  sagacity, 
and  intelligence  many  degrees  above  those  of 
most  other  countries. 

The  Highlands  and  islands  did  not  share  the 
influence  of  religion  and  education,  which  so 
essentially  benefited  their  Lowland  country- 
men, owing  to  their  speaking  a  language  differ- 
ent from  tlic  rest  of  Scotland,  as  well  as  to  the 
diflficulty,  or  rather  at  that  time  the  impossibil- 


JAMES  S    VISIT    TO    SCOTLAND.  125 

ity,  of  establishing  churches  or  schools  in  such 
a  remote  country,  and  amongst  natives  of  sucli 
wild  manners. 

To  the  reign  of  James  VI.  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  add,  that  in  1617  he  revisited  his  an- 
cient kingdom  of  Scotland,  from  the  same  in- 
stinct, as  his  Majesty  was  pleased  to  express  it, 
which  induces  salmon,  after  they  have  visited 
the  sea,  to  return  to  the  river  in  which  they 
have  been  bred. 

He  was  received  with  every  appearance  of 
affection  by  his  Scottish  subjects  ;  and  the  only 
subject  of  suspicion,  doubt,  or  quarrel,  be- 
twixt the  King  and  them,  arose  from  the  par- 
tiality he  evinced  to  the  form  and  ritual  of  the 
Church  of  England.  The  true  Presbyterians 
groaned  heavily  at  seeing  choristers  and  sing- 
ing boys  arrayed  in  white  surplices,  and  at 
hearing  them  chant  the  service  of  the  Church 
of  England  ;  and  they  were  in  despair  when 
they  saw  his  Majesty's  private  chapel  adorned 
with  pictures  representing  scriptural  subjects. 
All  this,  and  every  thing  like  an  established 
and  prescribed  form  in  prayer,  in  garb  or  de- 
coration, was,  in  their  idea,  a  greater  or  less 
approximation  to  the  practices  of  the  Church 
of  Rome. 

This  was,  indeed,  mere  prejudice,  but  it  was 
a  prejudice  of  little  consequence  in  itself,  and 
James  ought  to  have  rather  respected  than 
combated  feelings  connected  with  much  that 
was  both  moral  and  religious,  and  honoured 
the  right  which  his  Scottish  subjects  might 
justly  claim  to  worship  God  after  their  own 
11* 


126  DEATH    Oi     JAMEri    VI. 

manner,  and  not  according  to  the  rules  and 
ceremonies  of  a  foreign  country.  His  obsti- 
nacy on  this  point  was,  however,  satisfied  with 
carrying  through  the  Articles  of  Perth,  al- 
ready mentioned,  which  were  finally  admitted 
in  the  year  after  his  visit  to  Scotland.  He  left 
to  his  successor  the  task  of  accomplishing  a 
complete  conformity,  in  ritual  and  doctrine, 
between  the  churches  of  South  and  North 
Britain — and  very  dear  the  attempt  cost  him. 

In  the  year  1625,  James  died.  He  was  the 
least  dignified  and  accomplished  of  all  his  fa- 
mily ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  the  most  fortu- 
nate. Robert  II.,  the  first  of  the  Stewart  fami- 
ly, died,  it  is  true,  in  peajce  ;  but  Robert  III. 
had  sunk  under  the  family  losses  which  he  had 
sustained  ;  James  I.  was  murdered  ;  James  II. 
killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  cannon  ;  James  III. 
(whom  James  VI.  chiefly  resembled)  was  pri- 
vately slain  after  the  battle  of  Sauchie-Burn ; 
James  IV.  fell  at  Flodden ;  James  V.  died  of  a 
broken  heart ;  Henry  Darnley,  the  father  of 
James  VI.  was  treacherously  murdered ;  and 
his  mother.  Queen  Mary,  was  tyrannically  be- 
headed. He  himself  alone,  without  courage, 
without  sound  sagacity,  without  that  feeling  of 
dignity  which  should  restrain  a  prince  from 
foolish  indulgences,  became  King  of  the  great 
nation  which  had  for  ages  threatened  to  subdue 
that  of  which  he  was  born  monarch ;  and  the 
good  fortune  of  the  Stewart  family,  which 
seems  lo  have  existed  in  his  person  alone,  de- 
rlined  and  totally  decayed  in  those  of  his  suc- 
ressors 


CHARLES   I.  SUCCEEDS  JAMES  VI.  127 

James  had  lost  his  eldest  son  Henry,  a  youth 
of  extraordinary  promise.  His  second,  Charles 
I.,  succeeded  him  in  the  throne.  He  left  also 
one  daughter,  Elizabeth,  married  to  Frederick, 
the  Elector  Palatine  of  the  German  empire.  He 
was  an  unfortunate  prince,  and  with  a  view  of 
obtaining  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  engaged  in 
a  ruinous  war  with  the  Emperor,  by  which  he 
lost  his  hereditary  dominions.  But  the  Elec- 
tor's evil  fortune  was  redeemed  in  the  person 
of  his  descendants,  from  whom  sprung  the  royal 
family  which  now  possess  the  British  throne,  in 
right  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth. 


[     138    ] 


CHAP.  VIII. 

Discontents  excited  during  Jameses  reign — in- 
creased under  Charles — Introduction  of  the 
English  Liturgy  into  the  Scottish  Church — 
National  Covenant — The  Scottish  Army  en- 
ters England — Concessions  of  the  King  to 
the  Long  Parliament,  upon  which  the  Scot- 
tish Army  returns  home — Charles  visits 
Scotland,  and  gains  over  the  Marquis  of 
Montrose  to  the  Royal  Cause — The  two  Par- 
ties of  Cavaliers  and  Roundheads — Arrest 
of  five  Members  of  the  House  of  Commons — 
Civil  War  in  England. 

Charles  I.,  who  succeeded  his  father  James, 
was  a  Prince  whose  personal  qualities  were  ex- 
cellent. It  was  said  of  him  justly,  that,  consi- 
dered as  a  private  gentleman,  there  was  not  a 
more  honourable,  virtuous,  and  religious  man, 
in  his  dominions.  He  was  a  kind  father,  mas- 
ter, and  even  too  aflectionate  husband,  permit- 
ting the  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  the  beautiful 
daughter  of  Henry  IV.  of  France,  to  influence 
his  government  too  much.  Charles  had  also 
the  dignity  which  his  father  totally  wanted; 
and  there  is  no  just  occasion  to  question  thai 
so  good  a  man  as  we  have  described  him,  had 
the  intention  to  rule  his  people  justly  and  mer- 
cifully, in  place  of  enforcing  the  ancient  feudal 
thraldom.  But  on  the  other  hand,  he  enter- 
tained extravagant  ideas  of  the  regal  power, 


DISCONTENTS  DURING  JAMEs's  REIGN.     ]  29 

feelings  which,  being  peculiarly  unsuitable  to 
the  times  in  which  he  lived,  uccasioned  his 
own  total  ruin,  and,  for  a  time,  that  of  his 
posterity. 

The  English  people  had  been  now,  for  a  cen- 
tury and  more,  relieved  from  the  severe  yoke 
of  the  nobles,  and  had  forgotten  how  it  had 
pressed  upon  their  forefathers.  What  had 
galled  them  in  the  late  reign,  were  the  exactions 
of  King  James,  who,  to  indulge  his  prodigal 
liberality  to  worthless  favourites,  had  extorted 
from  Parliament  large  supplies,  and  having  mis- 
applied these,  had  endeavoured  to  obtain  others 
by  granting  to  indiWduals,  for  sums  of  money, 
exclusive  rights  to  sell  certain  commodities, 
which  the  monopolists  immediately  raised  to  a 
high  rate,  and  made  a  large  fortune,  while  the 
king  got  little  by  the  bribe  which  he  had  re- 
ceived, and  the  subjects  suffered  extremely  by 
the  price  of  articles,  necessaries  perhaps  of  life, 
being  unduly  raised. 

Yet  James,  finding  that  a  spirit  of  opposition 
had  arisen  within  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
that  grants  of  money  were  obtained  with  diffi- 
culty, would  not  refrain  from  such  indirect 
practices  to  obtain  money  from  the  people 
without  the  consent  of  their  representatives  in 
Parliament.  It  was  his  object  also  to  support 
the  royal  power  in  the  full  authority,  which,  by 
gradual  encroachments,  it  attained  during  the 
reign  of  the  Tudors  ;  and  he  was  disposed  to 
talk  high  of  his  prerogative,  for  which  he  stated 
himself  to  be  accountable  to  God  alone;  where- 
as it  was  the  just  principle  of  the  House  of 


130  THE    STAR-CHAMBER. 

Commons,  that  the  power  of  the  king,  like 
every  other  power  in  the  constitution,  was 
limited  by  the  laws,  and  was  legally  to  be  re- 
sisted when  it  trespassed  beyond  them. 

Such  were  the  disputes  which  James  held 
with  his  subjects.  His  timidity  prevented  him 
from  pushing  his  claims  to  extremity,  and  al- 
though courtly  divines  and  ambitious  lawyers 
were  ready  to  have  proved,  as  they  pretended, 
his  absolute  and  indefeasible  right  to  obedi- 
ence, even  in  unconstitutional  commands,  he 
shrunk  from  the  contest,  and  left  to  his  son 
much  discontent  which  his  conduct  had  ex- 
cited, but  which  did  not  immediately  break  into 
a  flame. 

Charles  held  the  same  opinions  of  his  own 
rights  as  a  monarch,  which  had  been  infused 
into  him  by  his  father's  instructions,  and  he 
was  obstinate  and  persevering  where  James 
had  been  timid  and  flexible.  Arbitrary  courts 
of  justice,  particularly  one  termed  the  Star- 
chamber,  aflbrded  the  King  the  means  of 
punishing  those  who  opposed  themselves  to 
the  royal  will :  but  the  violence  of  authority 
only  increased  the  sense  of  the  evil,  and  a 
general  discontent  against  the  King's  person 
and  prerogative  began  to  prevail  throughout 
England. 

These  menacing  appearances  were  much  in- 
creased by  religious  motives.  The  church  of 
England  had  been  since  the  Reformation  gra- 
dually dividing  into  two  parties,  one  of  which, 
warmly  apj)rovcd  of  by  King  James,  and  yet 
more  keenly  patronised  by  Charles,  was  pecu- 


TIIK    PURITANS.  131 


liarly  attached  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of 
the  church,  the  strict  observance  of  particular 
forms,  and  the  use  of  certain  pontifical  dresses 
when  divine  service  was  performed.  A  numer- 
ous party  called  the  Puritans,  although  they 
complied  with  the  model  of  the  Church  of  En- 
gland, considered  these  peculiar  rites  and  for- 
malities, on  which  the  High  Churchmen,  as  the 
opposite  party  began  to  be  called,  laid  such 
stress,  as  remains  of  Popery,  and  things  there- 
fore to  be  abolished. 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Dr.  Laud,  a 
man  of  talents  and  learning,  was  devotedly  at- 
tached to  the  High  Church  interest,  and  coun- 
tenanced by  Charles,  he  resolved  to  use  all  the 
poAvers,  both  of  the  civil  and  spiritual  courts,  to 
subdue  the  refractory  spirit  of  the  Puritans,  and 
enforce  their  compliance  with  the  ceremonies 
which  he  thought  so  essential  to  the  well-being 
of  the  church.  If  men  had  been  left  to  enter- 
tain calm  and  quiet  thoughts  on  these  points, 
they  would  in  time  have  discovered  that,  having 
chosen  what  was  esteemed  the  most  suitable 
rules  for  the  national  church,  it  would  have 
been  more  wise  and  prudent  to  leave  the  con- 
sciences of  the  hearers  to  determine  whether 
they  would  conform  to  them,  or  assemble  for 
worship  elsewhere. 

But  prosecutions,  fines,  pillories,  and  impri- 
sonments, employed  to  restrain  religious  opi- 
nions, only  make  them  burn  the  more  fiercely  ; 
and  those  who  submitted  to  such  sufferings 
with  patience  rather  than  renounce  the  doc- 
trines they  had  espoused,  were  counted  as  mar- 


132  riTirr:''. 


tyrs,  and  followed  accordingly.  These  dissen- 
sions in  church  and  state  continued  to  agi- 
tate England  from  year  to  year  ;  but  it  was 
the  disturbances  of  Scotland  which  brought 
them  to  a  crisis. 

The  King  had  kept  firmly  in  view  his  father's 
favourite  project  of  bringing  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  in  point  of  church  government  and 
church  ceremonies,  to  the  same  model  with 
that  of  England.  But  to  settle  a  national  church, 
with  a  gradation  of  dignified  clergy,  required 
large  funds,  which  Scotland  could  not  afford  for 
such  a  purpose.  In  this  dilemma,  the  King  and 
his  counsellors  resolved,  by  one  sweeping  act 
of  revocation,  to  resume  to  the  Crown  all  the 
tithes  and  benefices  which  had  been  conferred 
upon  laymen  at  the  Reformation,  and  thus  ob- 
tain the  funds  necessary  to  endow  the  projected 
bishoprics. 

I  must  try  to  explain  to  you  what  tithes  are: 
By  the  law  delivered  to  the  Jews,  the  tithes, 
that  is,  the  tenth  part  of  the  yearly  produce  of 
the  land  ;  whether  in  animals  born  on  the  soil, 
or  in  corn,  fruit,  and  vegetable  productions, 
were  destined  to  the  support  of  the  priests. 
The  same  rule  was  adopted  by  the  Christian 
Church,  and  the  tithes  were  levied  from  the 
farmer  or  possessor  of  the  land,  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  ecclesiastical  establishments. 

When  the  reformation  took  place,  the  great 
nobles  and  gentry  of  Scotland  got  grants  of 
these  tithes  from  the  crown,  engaging  to  take 
upon  themselves  the  support  of  the  clergy, 
whom    they  paid  at  as   low  a  rate  as  possible. 


TITIIE8.  133 


Those  nobles  and  gentry  who  heJd  such  gifts, 
were  called  Titulars  of  dthes,  answering  to  the 
English  phrase  of  Impropriators.  They  used 
the  privileges  which  tliey  had  acquired  M-ith 
great  rigour.  They  would  not  suffer  the  farmer 
to  lead  a  sheaf  of  corn  from  the  fif^ld  until  the 
tithe  had  been  selected  and  removed,  and  in  this 
wa^f  exercised  their  right  with  far  more  severity 
than  had  been  done  by  the  Roman  Catholic 
clergy,  v/ho  usually  accepted  a  certain  reason^ 
able  sum  of  money,  and  thus  left  the  proprietot 
of  the  crop  to  manage  it  as  he  would,  instead  of 
actually  taking  the  tithes  in  kind.  But  the  titu- 
lars, as  they  used  their  privilege  with  rigour 
and  to  the  utmost,  were  equally  tenacious  in 
retaining  it. 

When  assembled  in  Parliament,  or  as  it  was 
termed,  the  Convention  of  Estates,  the  lords 
who  w^ere  possessed  of  grants  of  tithes  deter- 
mined that,  rather  than  yield  to  the  revocation 
proposed  by  the  Earl  of  Nithisdale,  who  was 
the  royal  commissioner,  they  would  massacre 
him  and  his  adherents  in  the  face  of  the  assem- 
bly. This  purpose  was  so  decidedly  entertain- 
ed, that  Lord  Belhaven,  an  old  blind  man, 
placed  himself  close  to  the  Earl  of  Dumfries,  a 
supporter  of  the  intended  revocation,  and  keep- 
ing hold  of,  his  neighbour  with  one  hand,  for 
which  he  apologized,  as  being  necessary  to  en- 
able him  to  support  himself,  he  held  in  the  other 
the  hilt  of  a  dagger  concealed  in  his  bosom, 
that  as  soon  as  the  general  signal  should  be 
given,  he  might  play  his  part  in  the  tragedy  by 
plunging  it  into  Lord  Dumfries's  heart.  Nithis- 
VoL.   1  12 


134  TITHES. 


dale,  learning  something  of  this  desperate  reso- 
lution, gave  the  revocation  up  for  the  time,  and 
returned  to  court. 

The  King,  however,  was  at  length  able,  by 
the  assistance  of  a  convention  of  the  clergy 
summoned  together  by  the  bishops,  and  by  the 
general  clamour  of  the  land-owners,  who  com- 
plained of  the  rigorous  exactions  of  the  titulars, 
to  obtain  a  partial  surrender  of  the  tithes 
into  the  power  of  the  crown.  The  power  of 
levying  them  in  kind  was  suppressed ;  the  land- 
holder was  invested  with  a  right  to  have  the 
tithe  upon  paying  a  modified  sum,  and  to  pur- 
chase the  entire  right  from  the  titular  (if  he  had 
the  means  to  do  so)  at  a  rate  of  purchase  re- 
stricted to  seven  years'  rent. 

These  alterations  were  attended  with  the 
greatest  advantages  to  the  country  in  process 
of  time,  but  they  were  very  offensive  to  the 
Scottish  nobility. 

Charles  also  made  an  attempt  to  reverse  some 
of  the  attainders  which  had  taken  place  in  his 
father's  time,  particularly  that  of  Stewart,  Earl 
of  Bothwell.  Much  of  this  turbulent  nobleman's 
forfeited  property  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  the 
Lords  of  Buccleuch  and  Cessford,  who  were 
compelled  to  surrender  a  part  of  their  spoils. 
These  proceedings,  as  well  as  the  revocation  of 
the  grants  of  tithes,  highly  irritated  the  Scottish 
nobility,  and  some  wild  proposals  were  held 
among  tliem  for  dethroning  Charles,  and  pla- 
cing the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  on  the  throne. 

The  only  remarkable  consequence  of  this 
intrigue,  was  a  trial  in  the  long  forgotten  Court 


COURT    OF    CHIVALIIY.  135 

V. 

of  Chivalry,  the  last,  it  may  be  supposed,  that 
will  ever  take  place.  Donald  Lord  Reay  affirm- 
ed, that  Mr.  David  Ramsay  had  used  certain 
treasonable  expressions  in  his,  the  said  Donald's, 
hearing.  Both  were  summoned  to  appear  be- 
fore the  High  Constable  of  England.  They 
appeared  accordingly,  in  great  pomp,  attended 
by  their  friends. 

"  Lord  Reay,"  says  an  eye-witness,  "  was 
clothed  in  black  velvet,  embroidered  with  silver, 
carried  his  sword  in  a  silver  embroidered  belt, 
and  wore  around  his  neck  his  badge  as  a  Baronet 
of  Nova  Scotia.  He  was  a  tall,  black,  swarthy 
man,  of  a  portly  and  stout  demeanour."  The 
defemler  was  next  ushered  in,  a  fair  man,  and 
having  a  head  of  ruddy  hair  so  bushy  and  long, 
that  he  was  usually  termed  Ramsay  Redhead. 
He  was  dressed  in  scarlet,  so  richly  embroidered 
with  gold,  that  the  cloth  could  scarcely  be  dis- 
cerned, but  he  was  totally  unarmed. 

While  they  fixed  their  eyes  on  each  other 
sternly,  the  charge  was  read,  stating  that  Ram- 
say, the  defendant,  had  urged  him.  Lord  Reay, 
to  engage  in  a  conspiracy  for  dethroning  the 
King,  and  placing  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton 
upon  the  throne.  He  added,  that  if  Ramsay 
should  deny  this,  he  Avould  prove  him  a  villain  and 
traitor  by  dint  of  sword.  Ramsay,  for  answer, 
called  Reay  "  a  liar  and  a  barbarous  villain,  and 
protested  he  should  die  for  it."  They  exchanged 
gloves.  After  many  delays,  the  Court  named  a 
day  of  combat,  assigning  as  the  weapons  to  be 
used,  a  spear,  a  long  sword,  and  a  short  sword 
or  a  dagger.     The  most  minute  circumstances 


136  INTRODUCTION  OF  THE  LITDROY 

were  arranged,  and  provision  was  even  mado 
at  what  time  the  parties  might  have  the  assist- 
ance of  armourers  and  tailors,  Avith  hammers, 
nails,  files,  scissors,  bodkins,  needles,  and 
thread.  But  now,  when  you  are  perhaps  ex- 
pecting, with  curiosity,  a  tale  of  a  bloody  fight, 
I  have  to  acquaint  you  that  the  King  forbade 
the  combat,  and  the  affair  was  put  to  sleep. 
Times  were  greatly  changed  since  the  days 
when  almost  every  species  of  accusation  might 
be  tried  by  duel. 

Charles  visited  his  native  country  in  1633, 
for  the  purpose  of  being  crowned.  He  was 
received  by  the  people  at  first  with  great  appa- 
rent affection,  but  discontent  arose  on  its  being 
observed,  that  he  omitted  no  opportunity  of 
pressing  upon  the  bishops,  who  had  hitherto 
only  worn  plain  black  gowns,  the  use  of  the 
more  splendid  vestments  of  the  English  Church. 
This  alteration  of  habit  grievously  oflended  the 
Presbyterians,  who  saw  in  it  a  farther  approxi- 
mation to  the  Romish  ritual;  while  tlie  nobility, 
remembering  that  they  had  been  partly  de- 
prived of  their  tithes,  and  that  their  possession 
of  the  church  lands  was  in  danger,  saw  with 
great  pleasure  the  obnoxious  prelates,  for 
whose  sake  the  revocation  had  been  made,  in 
cur  the  odium  of  the  people  at  large. 

It  was  left  for  Archbishop  Laud  to  bring  alt 
this  slumbering  discontent  into  action,  by  an 
attempt  to  introduce  into  the  divine  service  of 
the  Church  of  Scotland  a  Form  of  Common 
Prayer  and  Liturgy  similar  to  that  used  in 
Eng^land      This,  however  reasonable  an  insti* 


INTO  THE  SCOTTISH  CHURCH.  137 

tution  in  itself,  was  at  variance  with  the  charac- 
ter of  Presbyterian  worship,  in  which  the  cler- 
gyman always  addressed  the  Deity  in  extem- 
poraneous prayer,  and  in  no  prescribed,  or  re- 
gular form  of  words. 

King  James  himself,  when  courting  the  fa- 
vour of  the  Presbyterian  party,  had  called  the 
English  service  an  ill-mumbled  mass  ;  forget- 
ting that  the  objection  to  that  ceremony  applies, 
not  to  the  prayers,  which  must  be  excellent, 
since  they  are  chiefly  extracted  from  Scrip- 
ture, but  to  the  worship  of  the  Eucharist,  which 
Protestants  think  idolatrous,  and  to  the  service, 
as  being  couched  in  a  foreign  language.  Neither 
of  these  objections  applies  to  the  English  form 
of  prayer  ;  but  the  expression  of  the  King  was 
not  forgotten. 

Upon  the  whole,  this  new  and  most  obnox- 
ious change  in  the  form  of  public  worship, 
throughout  Scotland,  where  the  nobility  were 
known  to  be  in  a  state  of  great  discontent,  was 
very  ill-timed.  Right  or  wrong,  the  people  in 
genea-al  were  prejudiced  against  the  innova- 
tion, and  yet  it  was  to  be  attempted,  without 
any  other  authority  than  that  of  the  King  and 
the  Bishops  ;  while  both  the  Parliament,  and  a 
General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
had  a  right  to  be  consulted  in  a  matter  so  im- 
portant. 

The  rash  and  fatal  experiment  was  made,  23d 
July,  1637,  in  the  High  Church  of  St.  Giles, 
Edinburgh,  where  the  dean  of  the  city  prepared 
to  read  the  new  service  before  a  numerous  con- 
course of  persons,  none  of  whom  seem  to  have 
12* 


138  OPPOSITION   TO  THE  LITURGY. 

been  favourably  disposed  to  its  reception.  As 
the  reader  of  the  prayers  announced  the  Col- 
lect for  the  day,  an  old  woman,  named  Jenny 
Geddes,  who  kept  a  green-stall  in  the  High 
Street,  bawled  out — "  The  deil  colick  in  the 
wame  of  thee,  thou  false  thief!  dost  thou  say 
the  mass  at  my  lug  ?"  With  that  she  flung  at 
the  dean's  head  the  stool  upon  which  she  had 
^been  sitting,  and  a  wild  tumult  instantly  com- 
menced. The  women  of  lower  condition  flew 
at  the  dean,  tore  the  surplice  from  his  shoul- 
ders, and  drove  him  out  of  the  church.  The 
Bishop  of  Edinburgh  mounted  the  pulpit,  but 
was  also  assailed  with  missiles,  and  the  win- 
dows were  broken  with  stones  flung  by  a  disor- 
derly multitude  from  without.  This  was  not 
all :  the  prelates  were  assaulted  in  the  street, 
and  misused  by  the  mob.  The  life  of  the  Bishop 
of  Argyle  was  with  difficulty  saved  by  Lord 
Roxburgh,  who  carried  him  home  in  his  car- 
riage, surrounded  by  his  retinue  with  drawn 
swords. 

This  tumult,  which  has  noAV  something  ludi- 
crous in  its  details,  was  the  signal  for  a  general 
resistance  to  the  reception  of  the  Service-book 
throughout  the  whole  country.  The  Privy 
Council  of  Scotland  were  lukewarm,  or  rather 
cold,  in  the  cause.  They  wrote  to  Charles  a 
detailed  account  of  the  tumults,  and  did  not 
conceal,  that  the  opposition  to  the  measure  was 
spreading  far  and  wide. 

Charles  was  inflexible,  and  showed  his  dis- 
pleasure even  in  trifles.  It  was  the  ancient  cus- 
tom, that  a  fool,  or  jester,  was  maintained  at 


OPPOSITION  TO  THE  LITURGY.  139 

court,  privileged  to  break  his  satirical  jests  at 
random.  The  post  was  then  held  by  one 
Archie  Armstrong,  who,  as  he  saw  the  Arch- 
bishop oiX^anterbury  posting  to  f.oiirt,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  mortifying  tidings  from  Scotland, 
could  not  help  whispering  the  sly  question, 
*'  Who's  fool  now,  my  lord  ?"  For  this  jest, 
poor  Archie,  having  been  first  severely  whip- 
ped, was  disgraced  and  dismissed  from  court, 
where  no  fool  has  again  been  admitted,  at  least 
in  an  avowed  and  official  capacity. 

But  Archie  was  a  more  accessible  object  of 
punishment  than  the  malcontents  in  Scotland. 
It  was  in  vain  that  Charles  sent  down  repeated 
and  severe  messages,  blaming  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, the  Magistrates,  and  all  who  did  not  punish 
the  rioters,  and  enforce  the  reading  of  the  Ser- 
vice-book. The  resistance  to  the  measure, 
which  was  at  first  tumultuous,  and  ihe  work  of 
the  low^est  order,  had  now  assumed  quality  and 
consistence.  More  than  thirty  peers,  and  a  very 
great  proportion  of  the  gentry  of  Scotland,  to- 
gether with  the  greater  part  of  the  royal  burghs, 
had,  before  the  month  of  Decem.ber,  agreed  not 
merely  to  oppose  the  Service-book,  but  to  act 
together  in  resistance  to  the  further  intrusions 
of  Prelacy.  They  were  kept  in  union  and 
directed  by  representatives  appointed  from 
among  themselves,  and  forming  separate  Com- 
mittees, or,  as  they  were  termed.  Tables  or 
Boards  of  managr-ment. 

Under  the  auspices  of  these  Tables,  or  Com- 
mittees, a  species  of  engagement,  or  declara- 
tion, was  drawn  up,   the  principal   object  of 


liO  NATIONAL    COVENANT. 

which  was,  the  eradication  of  Prelacy  in  all  its 
modifications,  and  the  establishment  of  Presby- 
tery on  its  purest  and  most  simple  basis.  This 
engagement  was  called  the  National  Covenant, 
as  resembling  those  covenants  which,  in  the 
Old  Testament,  God  is  said  to  have  made  with 
the  people  of  Israel.  The  terms  of  this  memo- 
rable league  professed  the  Reformed  faith,  and 
abjured  the  rites  and  doctrines  of  the  Romish 
Church,  with  which  were  classed  the  newly  im- 
posed Liturgy  and  Canons.  This  Covenant, 
which  had  for  its  object  to  annul  all  of  Prela- 
tic  innovation  that  James's  policy,  and  his  son's 
violeiice,  had  been  able  to  introduce  into  the 
Presbyterian  Church,  v/as  sworn  to  by  hun- 
dreds, thousands,  and  hundreds  of  thousands, 
of  every  age  and  description,  vowing,  with  up- 
lifted hands  and  weeping  eyes,  that,  with  the 
Divine  assistance,  they  would  dedicate  life  and 
fortune  to  maintain  the  object  of  their  solemn 
engagement. 

Undoubtedly,  many  persons  wlio  thus  sub- 
scribed tlie  National  Covenant,  did  not  serious- 
ly feel  any  apprehension  that  Prelacy  would  in- 
troduce Popery,  or  that  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  was  in  itself  a  grievance  which  the 
country  of  Scotland  did  well  or  wisely  to  op- 
pose; but  they  were  convinced,  that  in  thus 
forcing  a  matter  of  conscience  upon  a  whole 
nation,  the  King  disregarded  the  rights  and  liber- 
ties of  his  subjects,  and  foresaw,  that  if  not  now 
withstood,  he  was  most  likely  to  make  Iiimself 
absolute  master  of  their  rights  and  privileges  in 
pecular  as  well  as  religious  affairs,  lliey  tliere- 


COVENANTERS  TAKE   UP  ARMS.  141 

fore  joined  in  such  measures  as  procured  a  ge- 
neral resistance  to  the  arbitrary  power  so  rash- 
ly assumed  by  King  Charles. 

Meantime,  while  the  King  negotiated  and 
procrastinated,  Scotland,  though  still  declaring 
attachment  to  his  person,  was  nearly  in  a  state 
of  general  resistance. 

The  Covenanters,  as  they  began  to  be  called, 
held  a  General  Assembly  of  the  Church,  at 
which  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  attended  as 
Lord  Commissioner  for  the  King.  This  im- 
portant meeting  was  held  at  Glasgow.  There 
all  measures  pointed  at  by  the  Covenant  were 
carried  fully  into  effect.  Episcopacy  was  abo- 
lished, the  existing  bishops  were  deprived  of 
their  power,  and  eight  of  them  excommunicated 
for  divers  alleged  irregularities. 

The  Covenanters  took  arms  to  support  these 
bold  m.easures.  They  recalled  to  Scotland  the 
numerous  officers  who  had  been  trained  in  the 
wars  of  Germany,  and  committed  the  command 
of  the  whole  to  Alexander  Lesley,  a  veteran 
general  of  skill  and  experience,  who  had  pos- 
sessed the  friendship  of  Gustavus  Adolphus. 
They  soon  made  great  progress  ;  for  the  castles 
of  Edinburgh,  Dalkeith,  and  other  national  for- 
tresses, were  treacherously  surrendered,  or 
daringly  surprised,  by  the  Covenanters. 

King  Charles,  meantime,  was  preparing  for 
the  invasion  of  Scotland  with  a  powerful  army 
by  land  and  sea.  The  fleet  was  commanded  by 
the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  who,  unwilling  to 
commence  a  civil  war,  or,  as  some  supposed, 
not  being  on   this  occasion  peculiarly  zealoua 


142  SKIRMISH  AT  DUNSE  LAW. 


in  the  King's  service,  made  no  attempt  to  pro- 
secute the  enterprise.  The  fleet  lay  idle  in  the 
frith  of  Forth,  while  Charles  in  person,  at  the 
head  of  an  army  of  twenty-three  thousand  men, 
gallantly  equipped  by  the  English  nobility, 
seemed  as  much  determined  on  the  subjugation 
of  his  ancient  kingdom  of  Scotland,  as  ever  any 
of  the  Edwards  or  Henries  of  England  had 
been.  But  the  Scottish  Covenanters  showed 
the  same  determined  spirit  of  resistance,  which, 
displayed  by  their  ancestors,  had  frustrated  so 
many  invasions. 

A  great  degree  of  military  discipline  had 
been  introduced  into  their  new  levies,  consider- 
ing how  short  time  they  had  been  on  foot. 
They  lay  encamped  on  Dunse  law,  a  gently 
sloping  hill,  very  favourable  for  a  military  dis- 
play. Their  camp  was  defended  by  forty  field- 
pieces,  and  their  army  consisted  of  twenty-four 
or  twenty-five  thousand  men.  The  highest 
Scottish  nobles,  as  Argyle,  Rothes,  Cassilis, 
Eglinton,  Dalhousie,  Lindsay,  Loudon,  Bal- 
carras,  and  others,  acted  as  colonels ;  their 
captains  were  gentlemen  of  high  rank  and  for- 
tune ;  and  the  inferior  commissions  were  chief- 
ly filled  with  veteran  ofiicers  who  had  served 
abroad.  The  utmost  order  was  observed  in 
their  camp,  while  the  presence  of  numerous 
clergymen  kept  up  the  general  enthusiasm, 
and  seemed  to  give  a  religious  character  to  the 
war. 

In  this  crisis,  when  a  decisive  battle  was  to 
have  been  expected,  only  one  very  slight  action 
took  place,  when  a  few  English  cavalry,  re 


TREATY  WITH  THE  COVENANTERS.        143 

treating  hastily,  and  in  disorder,  from  a  still 
smaller  number  of  Scots,  seemed  to  show  that 
the  invaders  had  not  their  heart  in  the  combat. 
The  King  was  surrounded  by  many  counsel- 
lors, who  had  no  interest  to  encourage  the  war; 
and  the  whole  body  of  English  Puritans  consi- 
dered the  resistance  of  Scotland  as  the  triumph 
of  the  good  cause  over  Popery  and  Prelacy. 
Charles's  own  courage  seems  to  have  failed 
him,  at  the  idea  of  encountering  a  force  so  well 
provided,  and  so  willing,  as  that  of  the  Cove- 
nanters, with  a  dispirited  army  acting  under 
divided  councils.  A  treaty  was  entered  into, 
though  of  an  insecure  character.  The  King 
granted  a  declaration,  in  which,  without  con- 
firming the  acts  of  the  Assembly  of  Glasgow, 
which  he  would  not  acknowledge  as  a  lawful 
one,  he  agreed  that  all  matters  concerning  the 
regulation  of  church  government  should  be  left 
to  a  new  Convocation  of  the  Church. 

Such  an  agreement  could  not  be  lasting.  The 
Covenanting  Lords  did,  indeed,  disband  their 
forces,  and  restore  to  the  King's  troops  the 
strong  places  which  they  had  occupied ;  but 
they  held  themselves  ready  to  take  arms,  and 
seize  upon  them  again  at  the  slightest,  notice  ; 
neither  was  the  King  able  to  introduce  any 
considerable  degree  of  disunion  into  so  formi- 
dable a  league. 

The  General  Assembly  of  the  Church  con- 
vened according  to  the  treaty,  failed  not  to  con- 
firm all  that  had  been  done  by  their  predeces- 
sors at  Glasgow ;  the  National  Covenant  was 
renewed,  and   the  whole   conclusions  of  the 


144  HENEWAL  OP  HOSTILITIES. 

r-  TIB 

body  were  in  /avour  of  pure  and  unmingled 
Presbytery.  The  Scottish  Parliament,  on  their 
part,  demanded  several  privileges,  necessary, 
it  was  said,  to  freedom  of  debate,  and  required 
that  the  Estates  of  the  Kingdom  should  be 
convened  at  least  once  every  three  years.  On 
receiving  these  demands,  Charles  thought  he 
beheld  a  formed  scheme  for  undermining  his 
royal  authority,  and  prepared  to  renew  the 
war. 

His  determination  involved,  however,  some 
more  important  consequences  than  even  the 
war  with  Scotland.  His  private  economy  had 
enabled  the  King  to  support,  from  the  crown 
lands  and  other  funds,  independent  of  parlia- 
mentary grants,  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
state,  and  he  had  been  able  even  to  sustain 
the  charges  of  the  first  army  raised  to  invade 
Scotland,  without  having  recourse  to  the  House 
of  Commons.  But  his  treasures  were  now 
exhausted,  and  it  became  indispensable  to  con- 
voke a  parliament,  and  obtain  from  it  a  grant 
of  money  to  support  the  war.  The  Parliament 
met,  but  were  too  much  occupied  by  their  own 
grievances,  to  take  an  immediate  interest  in  the 
Scottish  war.  They  refused  the  supplies  de- 
manded. The  Kipg  was  obhged  to  dissolve 
them,  and  have  recourse  to  the  aid  of  Ireland, 
to  the  Convocation  of  the  Church,  to  compul- 
sory loans,  and  other  indirect  methods  of  rais- 
ing money,  so  that  his  resources  were  exhausted 
by  the  effort. 

On  hearing  that  the  King  was  again  collect- 
ing hi«  army,  and  had  placed  himself  ni  its 


RENEWAL   OF   HOSTILITIES.  145 

head,  the  Parliament  of  Scotland  resolved  on 
again  assembling  theirs.  It  was  done  with 
such  facility,  and  so  speedily,  that  it  was  plain 
they  had  been,  during  the  short  suspension  of 
arms,  occupied  in  preparing  for  a  new  rupture. 
They  did  not  now  wait  till  the  King  should 
invade  Scotland,  but  boldly  crossed  the  Tweed, 
entered  England,  and,  advancing  to  the  banks 
of  the  Tyne,  found  Lord  Conway  posted  at 
Newburn,  with  six  thousand  men,  having  batte- 
ries of  cannon  in  his  front,  and  prepared  to  dis- 
pute the  passage  of  the  river.  On  28th  August, 
1640,  the  battle  of  Newburn  was  fought.  The 
Scots  entered  the  ford,  girdle  deep,  and  after 
silencing  the  artillery  by  their  superior  fire, 
made  their  way  across  the  river,  and  the  Eng- 
lish fled  with  a  speed  and  disorder  unworthy  of 
their  national  reputation. 

The  King,  surprised  at  this  defeat,  and  justly 
distrusting  the  faith  of  many  who  were  in  his 
army  and  near  his  person,  retreated  with  all  his 
forces  into  Yorkshire ;  and  again,  with  more 
serious  intentions  of  abiding  by  it,  commenced 
a  negotiation  with  his  insurgent  subjects.  At 
the  same  time,  to  appease  the  growing  discon- 
tent of  the  English  nation,  he  resolved  again  to 
call  a  Parliament.  There  were,  no  doubt,  in 
the  royal  camp,  many  persons  to  whom  the 
presence  of  a  Scottish  army  was  acceptable,  as 
serving  to  overawe  the  more  violent  royalists ; 
and  the  Scots  were  easily  induced  to  pro- 
tract their  stay,  when  it  was  proposed  to  them 
to  receive  pay  and  provisions  at  the  expense  of 
England. 

Vol.  I.  13 


146  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT. 

The  meeting  of  that  celebrated  body,  called, 
in  English  history,  the  Long  Parliament,  took 
place  on  3d  November,  1640.  The  majority 
of  the  members  were  disaffected  with  the  King's 
government,  on  account  of  his  severity  in  mat- 
ters of  religion,  and  his  tendency  to  despotism 
in  state  affairs.  These  malcontents  formed  a 
strong  party,  determined  to  diminish  the  royal 
authority,  and  reduce,  if  they  did  not  destroy, 
the  hierarchy  of  the  church.  The  negotiations 
for  peace  being  transferred  from  Rippon  to 
London,  the  presence  of  the  Scottish  commis- 
sioners was  highly  acceptable  to  those  states- 
men who  opposed  the  King,  and  the  preaching 
of  the  clergymen  by  whom  they  were  accompa- 
nied, appeared  equally  instructive  to  the  citi- 
'zens  of  London  and  their  wives. 

In  this  favourable  situation,  and  completely 
successful  over  the  royal  will,  (for  Charles  I. 
could  not  propose  to  contend  at  once  with  the 
English  Parliament  and  with  the  Scottish  ar- 
my,) the  peremptory  demands  of  the  Scots 
were  neither  light,  nor  easily  gratilied.  They 
required  that  the  King  should  confirm  every 
act  of  the  Scottish  Convention  of  Estates  with 
whom  he  had  been  at  war,  recall  all  the  procla- 
mations which  he  had  sent  out  against  them, 
place  the  fortresses  of  Scotland  in  the  hands  of 
such  officers  as  the  Convention  should  approve 
of,  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and,  last  and 
bitterest,  they  stipulated,  that  those  of  the  king's 
counsellors  who  had  advised  the  late  hostilities, 
should  be  punished  as  incendiaries.  While  the 
Scots  were  discussing  these  severe  conditions 


CONCESSIONS  OF  CHARLES.  147 

they  remained  in  their  quarters  much  at  their 
own  ease,  overawing  by  their  presence  the 
King,  and  those  who  might  be  disposed  to  join 
him,  and  affording  to  the  opposition  party  in 
the  EngUsh  Parliament  an  opportunity  of  ob- 
taining redress  for  the  grievances  of  which  they, 
in  their  turn,  complained. 

The  King,  thus  circumstanced,  was  com- 
pelled to  give  way.  The  oppressive  courts  in 
which  arbitrary  proceedings  had  taken  place, 
were  abolished  ;  every  species  of  contrivance 
by  which  the  King  had  endeavoured  to  levy 
money  without  consent  of  Parliament,  a  sub- 
ject on  which  the  people  of  England  were 
justly  jealous,  was  declared  unlawful ;  and  it 
was  provided,  that  Parliaments  should  be  sum- 
moned every  three  years. 

Thus  the  power  of  the  King  was  reduced 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  constitution  :  but 
the  Parliament  were  not  satisfied  with  this  ge- 
neral redress  of  grievances,  though  including 
all  that  had  hitherto  been  openly  complained 
of.  A  strong  party  among  the  members  was 
determined  to  be  satisfied  with  nothing  short 
of  the  abolition  of  Episcopacy  in  England  as 
well  as  in  Scotland ;  and  many,  who  did  not 
aim  at  that  favourite  point,  entertained  fears, 
that  if  the  King  v*^ere  left  in  possession  of  such 
powers  as  the  constitution  allowed  him,  he 
would  find  means  of  re-establishing  and  perpe- 
tuating the  grievances  which,  for  the  time,  he 
had  consented  to  abolish. 

Gratified  with  a  donation  of  three  hundred 
thousand  pounds,   given   under    the    delicate 


148  CHARLEs'd  SECOND   VISIT 

name  of  brotherly  assistance,  the  Scottish  army 
at  length  retired  homeward,  and  left  the  King 
and  Parliament  of  England*  to  settle  their  own 
affairs.  The  troops  were  scarcely  retm-ned  to 
Scotland  and  disbanded,  when  Charles  pro- 
posed to  himself  a  visit  to  his  native  kingdom. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  purpose  of 
this  royal  progress  was  to  inquire  closely  into 
the  causes  which  had  enabled  the  Scottish  na- 
tion, usually  divided  into  factions  and  quarrels, 
to  act  with  such  unanimity,  and  to  try  whether 
it  might  not  be  possible  for  the  King  to  attach 
to  his  royal  interest  and  person  some  of  the 
principal  leaders,  and  thus  form  a  party  who 
might  not  only  prevent  his  English  dominions 
from  being  again  invaded  by  an  army  from 
Scotland,  but  might  be  disposed  to  serve  him, 
in  case  he  should  come  to  an  open  rupture  with 
his  English  Parliament.  For  this  purpose  he 
dispensed  dignities  and  gifts  in  Scotland  with  an 
unsparing  hand  ;  made  General  Lesley  Earl  of 
Leven,  raised  the  Lords  Loudon  and  Lyndsay 
to  the  same  rank,  and  received  into  his  adminis- 
tration several  nobles  who  had  been  active  in 
the  late  invasion  of  England.  On  most  of  these 
persons,  the  king's  benefits  produced  little  ef- 
fect. They  considered  him  only  as  giving 
what,  if  he  had  dared,  he  would  have  withheld. 
But  Charles  made  a  convert  to  his  interests  of 
one  nobleman,  whose  character  and  actions 
have  rendered  him  a  memorable  person  in 
Scottish  history. 

This  was  .Tames  Graham,  Earl  of  Montrose  ; 
a  man  of  high  genius,  glowing  with  the  ambi- 


TO    SCOTLAND.  149 


tion  which  prompts  great  actions,  and  conscious 
of  courage  and  talents  which  enabled  him  to 
aspire  to  much  by  small  and  inadequate  means. 
He  was  a  poet  and  scholar,  deeply  skilled  in  the 
art  of  war,  and  possessed  of  a  strength  of  con- 
stitution and  activity  of  mind,  by  which  he 
could  sustain  every  hardship,  and  find  a  remedy 
in  every  reverse  of  fortune.  It  was  remarked 
of  him  by  Cardinal  du  Retz,  an  unquestionable 
iudge,  that  he  resembled  more  nearly  than  any 
man  of  his  age  those  great  heroes,  whose 
names  and  history  are  handed  down  to  us  by 
the  Greek  and  Roman  historians.  As  a  quali- 
fication to  this  high  praise,  it  must  be  added, 
that  Montrose's  courage  sometimes  approached 
to  rashness,  and  that  some  of  his  actions  arose 
more  from  the  dictates  of  private  revenge,  than 
became  his  nobler  qualities. 

The  young  Earl  had  attended  the  court  of 
Charles  when  he  came  home  from  his  travels, 
but  not  meeting  with  the  attention  or  distinc- 
tion which  he  was  conscious  of  deserving,  he 
withdrew  into  Scotland,  and  took  a  zealous 
share  in  forming  and  forwarding  the  National 
Covenant.  A  man  of  such  talent  could  not 
fail  to  be  employed  and  distinguished.  Mon- 
trose was  sent  by  the  confederated  Lords  of 
the  Covenant  to  chastise  the  prelatic  town  of 
Aberdeen,  and  to  disperse  the  Gordons,  who 
were  taking  arms  for  the  King  under  the  Mar- 
quis of  Huntly,  and  succeeded  in  both  com- 
missions. 

At  the  battle  of  Newburn,  he  was  the  first 
man  who  forded  the  Tyne.  He  passed  alone 
13* 


IBO  IMPRISONMENT  OF  MONTROSE. 

under  the  fire  of  the  English,  to  ascertain  the 
depth  of  the  water,  and  returned  to  lead  over 
the  regiment  which  he  commanded.  Notwith- 
standing these  services  to  the  cause  of  the 
Covenant,  Montrose  had  the  mortification  to 
see  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  (the  ancient  feudal  ene- 
my of  his  house,)  was  preferred  to  him  by  the 
heads  of  the  party,  and  chiefly  by  the  clergy. 
There  was  something  in  the  fiery  ambition, 
and  unyielding  purpose  of  Montrose,  which 
startled  inferior  minds;  while  Argyle,  dark, 
close,  and  crafty, — a  man  well  qualified  to  af- 
fect a  complete  devotion  to  the  ends  of  others, 
when  he  was,  in  fact,  bent  on  forwarding  his 
own, — stooped  lower  to  court  popularity,  and 
was  more  successful  in  gaining  it. 

The  King  had  long  observed  that  Montrose 
was  dissatisfied  with  the  party  to  which  he  had 
hitherto  adhered,  and  found  no  difficulty  in  en- 
gaging his  services  for  the  future  in  the  royal 
cause.  The  noble  convert  set  so  actively 
about  inducing  others  to  follow  his  example, 
that  even  during  the  course  of  the  treaty  at 
Rippon,  he  had  procured  the  subscription  of 
nineteen  noblemen  to  a  bond,  engaging  them- 
selves to  unite  in  support  of  Charles.  This 
act  of  defection  being  discovered  by  the  Cove- 
nanters, Montrose  was  imprisoned  ;  and  the 
King,  on  coming  to  Scotland,  had  the  mortifi- 
cation to  find  himself  deprived  of  the  assist- 
ance of  this  invaluable  adherent. 

Montrose  contrived,  however,  to  communi- 
cate with  the  King  from  his  prison  in  the  Cas- 
tle of  Edinburgh,   and  disclosed  so  many  cir- 


THE    INCIDENT.  161 

cumstances  respecting  the  purposes  of  the 
Marquis  of  Hamilton  and  the  Earl  of  Argyle, 
that  Charles  had  resolved  to  arrest  them  both 
at  one  moment,  and  had  assembled  soldiers  for 
that  purpose.  They  escaped,  however,  and  re- 
tired to  their  houses,  where  they  could  not 
have  been  seized,  but  by  open  violence,  and  at 
the  risk  of  a  civil  war.  These  noblemen  were 
recalled  to  Court ;  and  to  show  that  the  King's 
confidence  in  them  was  unchanged,  Argyle 
was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Marquis.  This  ob- 
scure affair  was  called  the  Incident;  it  was 
never  well  explained ;  it  excited  much  suspi- 
cion of  the  Ring's  purposes  both  in  England 
and  Scotland,  and  aggravated  the  disinclina- 
tion of  the  English  Parliament  to  leave  his 
royal  power  on  the  present  unreduced  footing. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Montrose's 
disclosures  to  the  King  concerned  the  private 
correspondence  which  passed  between  the 
Scottish  Covenanters  and  the  opposition  party 
in  the  Parliament  of  England,  and  which 
Charles  might  hope  to  convert  into  an  accusa- 
tion of  high  treason  against  both.  But  as  he 
did  not  feel  that  he  possessed  a  party  in  Scot- 
land strong  enough  to  contend  with  the  great 
majority  of  the  nobles  of  that  country,  he 
judged  it  best  to  pass  over  all  further  notice  of 
the  Incident  for  the  time,  and  to  leave^Scotland 
at  least  under  the  outward  appearance  of  mu- 
tual concord.  He  was  formally  congratulated 
on  departing  a  contented  King  from  a  con- 
tented people — a  state  of  things  which  did  not 
last  long. 


152     Charles's  return  to  England. 

It  was,  indeed,  impossible  that  Scotland 
should  remain  long  tranquil,  while  England, 
with  whom  she  was  now  so  closely  connected, 
was  in  such  dreadful  disorder.  The  King  had 
no  sooner  returned  from  Scotland,  than  the 
quarrel  betwixt  him  and  his  Parliament  was 
renewed  with  more  violence  than  ever.  If 
either  party  could  have  reposed  confidence  in 
the  other's  sincerity,  the  concessions  made  by 
the  King  were  such  as  ought  to  have  gratified 
the  Parliament.  But  the  strongest  suspicions 
were  entertained  by  the  prevailing  party,  that 
the  King  considered  the  grants  which  he  had 
made,  as  having  been  extorted  from  him  by  vi- 
olence, and  that  he  retained  the  steady  purpose 
of  reassumingthe  obnoxious  and  arbitrary  pow- 
er of  which  he  had  been  deprived  for  a  season, 
but  which  he  still  considered  as  part  of  his 
royal  right.  They  therefore  resolved  not  to 
quit  the  ascendancy  which  they  had  attained, 
until  they  had  deprived  the  King  of  a  large 
portion  of  his  remaining  power,  although  be- 
stowed on  him  by  the  constitution,  that  they 
might  thus  prevent  his  employing  it  for  the  re- 
covery of  those  arbitrary  privileges  which  had 
been  usurped  by  the  throne  during  the  reign  of 
the  Tudors. 

While  the  Parliamentary  leaders  argued  thus, 
the  King,  on  his  side,  complained  that  no  con- 
cession, however  large,  was  able  to  satisfy  the 
demands  of  his  discontented  subjects.  "  He 
had  already,"  he  urged,  "  resigned  all  the 
points  which  had  been  disputed  between  them," 
and  his  partisans   were  alarmed  with  the  idea 


RENEWED  DEMANDS  OF  PARLIAMENT.      153 

that  it  was  the  purpose  of  Parliament  alto- 
gether to  abrogate  the  royal  authority,  and, 
probably,  to  depose  the  reigning  King. 

On  the  return  of  Charles  to  London,  the  Par- 
liament greeted  him  with  a  remonstrance,  in 
which  he  was  upbraided  with  all  the  real  and 
supposed  errors  of  his  reign.  At  the  same  time, 
a  general  disposition  to  tumult  showed  itself 
throughout  the  City.  Great  mobs  of  appren- 
tices and  citizens,  not  always  of  the  lowest 
rank,  came  in  tv.mult  to  Winchester,  under  the 
pretence  of  petitioning  the  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment ;  and  as  they  passed  Whitehall,  they  in- 
sulted, with  loud  shouts,  the  guards  and  ser- 
vants of  the  King.  The  parties  soon  came  to 
blows,  and  blood  w^as  spilt  between  them. 

Party  names,  too,  were  assumed,  to  distin- 
guish the  friends  of  the  King  from  those  who 
favoured  the  Parliament.  The  former  were 
chielEly  gay  young  men,  w^ho,  according  to  the 
fashion  of  the  times,  wore  showy  dresses,  and 
cultivated  the  growth  of  long  hair,  which,  ar- 
ranged in  ringlets,  fell  over  their  shoulders. 
They  were  called  Cavaliers.  In  distinction, 
those  who  adhered  to  the  Parliament,  assumed 
in  their  garb  and  deportment,  a  seriousness  and 
gravity  W'hich  rejected  all  ornament ;  they  wore 
their  hair,  in  particular,  cropped  short  around 
the  head,  and  thence  gained  the  name  of  Round- 
heads. 

But  it  was  the  difference  in  their  ideas  of  re- 
ligion, or  rather  of  church  government,  whicli 
chiefly  widened  the  division  betwixt  the  two 
parties.     The  King  had  been  bred  up  lo  consi- 


154  FIVE  me:,ibers  arrested. 

■  '■"-■ 
der  the  preservation  of  the  Church  of  England 
and  her  hierarchy,  as  a  sacred  point  of  duty. 
The  Presbyterian  system,  on  the  contrary,  was 
espoused  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  Parlia- 
ment ;  and  they  were,  for  the  time,  seconded  by 
the  other  numerous  classes  of  Dissenters,  all  of 
whom  desired  to  see  the  destruction  of  the 
Church  of  England,  however  unwilling  they 
might  be  that  a  Presbyterian  Church  govern- 
ment should  be  set  up  in  its  stead.  The  enemies 
of  the  Church  of  England  greatly  predominat- 
ing within  the  Houses  of  Parliament,  the  lords 
spiritual,  or  bishops,  were  finally  expelled 
from  their  seats  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
their  removal  was  celebrated  as  a  triumph  by 
the  London  citizens. 

While  matters  were  in  this  state,  the  King 
committed  a  great  imprudence.  Having  con- 
ceived that  he  had  acquired  from  Montrose's 
discovery,  or  otherwise,  certain  information 
that  five  of  the  leading  members  of  the  House 
of  Commons  had  been  guilty  of  communicating 
with  the  Scots  when  in  arms,  which  might 
authorize  a  charge  of  high  treason,  he  formed 
the  highly  rash  and  culpable  intention  of  going 
to  the  House  of  Commons  in  person,  with  an 
armed  train  of  attendants,  and  causing  the 
accused  members  to  be  arrested.  By  tliis 
ill-advised  measure,  Charles  doubtless  expected 
to  strike  terror  into  the  opposite  party  ;  but  it 
proved  altogether  ineffectual. 

The  five  members  had  received  private  in- 
formation of  the  blow  to  be  aimed  at  them,  and 
had  fled  into  the  city,  where  they  found  num- 


CIVIL  WATl   IN"   KN'CLAND.  155 


bers  willing  to  conceal  and  defend  them.  The 
King-,  by  his  visit  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
only  showed  that  he  could  stoop  to  act  almost 
in  tlie  capacity  of  a  common  constable,  or 
catchpoll ;  and  that  he  disregarded  the  respect 
due  to  the  representatives  of  the  British  people, 
in  meditating  such  an  arrest  in  the  presence  of 
that  body. 

After  this  step  on  the  part  of  the  King,  every 
chance  of  reconciliation  seemed  at  an  end.  The 
Commons  rejected  all  amicable  proposals,  un- 
less the  King  would  surrender  to  them  the  com- 
mand of  the  militia  ;  and  that  would  have  been 
equivalent  to  laying  his  crown  at  their  feet. 
The  King  refused  to  surrender  the  command  of 
the  militia,  even  for  an  instant ;  and  both  par- 
ties prepared  to  take  up  arms.  Charles  left 
London,  where  the  power  of  the  Parliament 
was  predominant,  assembled  what  friends  he 
could  gather  at  Nottingham,  and-  hoisted  the 
royal  standard  there,  as  the  signal  of  civil  war, 
on  the  25th  August,  1642. 

The  hostilities  which  ensued,  over  almost  all 
England,  were  of  a  singular  character.  Long 
accustomed  to  peace,  the  English  had  but  little 
knowledge  of  the  art  of  war.  The  friends  of 
the  contending  parties  assembled  their  follow- 
ers, and  marched  against  each  other,  without 
much  idea  of  taking  strong  positions,  or  avail- 
ing themselves  of  able  mancEuvres,  but  with  the 
simple  and  downright  purpose  of  meeting, 
fighting  with,  and  defeating  those  who  were  in 
arms  on  the  other  side. 

These  battles  were  contested  with  great  man- 


156  CIVIL  WAR  IN   ENGLAND. 

—  -a 

hood  and  gallantry,  but  with  little  military  skill 
or  discipline.  It  was  no  uncommon  thing,  for 
one  wing  or  division  of  the  contending  armies, 
when  they  found  themselves  victorious  over 
the  body  opposed  to  them,  to  amuse  them- 
selves with  chasing  the  vanquished  party  for 
leagues  off  the  field  of  battle,  where  the  victory 
was  in  the  mean  while  lost  for  want  of  their  sup- 
port. This  repeatedly  happened  through  the 
precipitation  of  the  King's  cavalry,  a  fine  body 
of  men,  consisting  of  the  flower  of  the  English 
nobility  and  gentry ;  but  as  ungovernable  as 
they  were  brave,  and  usually  commanded  by 
Prince  Rupert,  the  King's  nephew,  a  young 
man  of  fiery  courage,  not  gifted  with  prudence 
corresponding  to  his  bravery  and  activity. 

In  these  unhappy  civil  contentions,  the  an- 
cient nobility  and  gentry  of  England  were  chief- 
ly disposed  to  the  service  of  the  King ;  and  the 
farmers  and  cultivators  of  the  soil  followed 
them  as  the  natural  leaders.  The  cause  of  the 
Parliament  was  supported  by  London,  with  all 
its  wealth  and  its  numbers,  and  by  the  other 
large  towns,  sea-ports,  and  manufacturing  dis- 
tricts, throughout  the  country.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  the  Parliament,  being 
in  possession  of  most  of  the  fortified  places  in 
England,  with  the  magazines  of  arms  and  am- 
munition which  they  contained,  having  also 
numbers  of  men  prepared  to  obey  their  sum- 
mons, and  with  pbwer  to  raise  large  sums  of 
money  to  pay  them,  seemed  to  possess  great 
advantages  over  the  party  of  Charles.  But  the 
gallantry  of  the  King's  followers  was  able  to 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  SCOTS.  157 

restore  the  balance,  and  proposals  were  made 
for  peace  on  equal  terms,  which,  had  all  parties 
been  as  sincere  in  seeking  it,  as  the  good  and 
wise  of  each  side  certainly  were,  might  then 
have  been  satisfactorily  concluded. 

A  treaty  was  set  on  foot  at  Oxford  in  the 
winter  and  spring  of  1643,  and  the  Scottish 
Parliament  sent  to  England  a  committee  of  the 
persons  employed  as  conservators  of  the  peace 
between  the  kingdoms,  to  negotiate,  if  pos- 
sible, a  pacification  between  the  King  and 
his  Parliament,  honourable  for  the  crown,  satis- 
factory for  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  and  se- 
cure for  both.  But  the  King  listened  to  the 
warmer  and  more  passionate  counsellors,  who 
pointed  out  to  him  that  the  Scots  would,  to 
a  certainty,  do  their  utmost  to  root  out  Pre- 
lacy in  a  system  of  accommodation  which 
they  might  assist  in  framing ;  and  that  hav- 
ing, in  fact,  been  the  first  who  had  set  the 
example  of  a  successful  resistance  to  the 
Crown,  they  could  not  now  be  expected  to  act 
sincerely  in  any  negotiation  in  which  its  inte- 
rests were  concerned.  The  result  was,  that 
the  Scottish  Commissioners,  finding  themselves 
treated  with  coldness  by  the  King,  and  with 
menace  and  scorn  by  the  more  vehement  of  his 
followers,  left  Oxford,  still  more  displeased 
with  the  Royal  cause  than  when  they  had  come 
thither. 

Vol.  I.  14 


[     158 


CHAP.  IX. 

A  Scottish  Army  sent  to  assist  that  of  the 
English  Parliament — Montrose  takes  ad- 
vantage of  their  Absence,  and,  being  joined 
by  a  body  of  Irishmen,  raises  the  Royal  Stan- 
dard in  Scotland — Battle  of  Tippermuir, 
and  Surrender  of  Perth— Affair  at  the  Bridge 
of  Dee,  and  Sack  of  Perth — Close  of  the 

.  Campaign. 

In  1643,  when  the  advance  of  spring  permit- 
ted the  resumption  of  hostilities,  it  was  found 
that  the  state  of  the  King's  party  was  decidedly 
superior  to  that  of  the  Parliament,  and  it  was 
believed  that  the  event  of  the  war  would  be 
decided  in  the  Royal  favour,  could  the  co-ope- 
ration of  the  Scots  be  obtained.  The  King 
privately  made  great  offers  to  the  Scottish  na- 
tion, to  induce  them  to  declare  in  his  favour,  or 
at  least  remain  neuter  in  the  struggle.  He 
called  upon  them  to  remember  that  he  had  gra- 
tified all  their  wishes,  without  exception,  and 
reminded  them  that  the  late  peace  between 
England  and  Scotland  provided,  that  neither 
country  should  declare  war  against  the  other 
without  due  provocation,  and  the  consent  of 
Parliament.  But  the  Scottisli  Convention  of 
Estates  were  sensible,  that  if  they  should  assist 
the  King  to  conquer  the  English  Parliament, 
for  imitating  their  example  of  insurrection,  it 
would  be  naturally  followed  by  their  undergoing 


THE  SCOTS  ARMY   ASSIST  THE  ENGLISH.    l.^'> 

punishment  themselves  for  the  example  which 
they  had  set.  They  feared  for  the  Presbyte- 
rian system, — some  of  them,  no  doubt,  feared 
for  themselves, — and  all  turned  a  deaf  ear  to 
the  King's  proposals. 

On  the  other  hand  a  deputation  from  Par- 
liament pressed  upon  the  Scottish  Convention 
another  clause  in  the  treaty  of  peace  made  in 
1641,  namely,  that  the  Parliament  of  either 
country  should  send  aid  to  each  other  to  repel 
invasion  or  suppress  internal  disturbances.  In 
compliance  with  these  articles,  the  English 
Commissioners  desired  the  assistance  of  a  body 
of  Scottish  auxiliaries.  The  country  beingatthis 
time  filled  with  disbanded  officers  and  soldiers 
who  were  eager  for  employment,  the  oppor- 
tunity and  the  invitation  were  extremely  tempt- 
ing to  them,  for  they  remembered  the  free- 
quarters  and  good  pay  which  they  had  enjoyed 
while  in  England.  Nevertheless,  the  leading 
members  of  the  Convention  of  Estates  were 
aware,  that  to  embrace  the  party  of  the  Parlia- 
ment of  England,  and  despatch  to  their  assist- 
ance a  large  body  of  auxiliary  forces,  selected, 
as  they  must  be,  from  their  best  levies,  would 
necessarily  expose  their  authority  in  Scotland 
to  considerable  danger  ;  for  the  King's  friends 
who  had  joined  in  the  bond  with  Montrose, 
were  menof  povrer  and  influence,  and  having  the 
will,  only  M'aited  for  the  opportunity,  to  act  in 
his  behalf;  and  might  raise,  perhaps  a  formi- 
dable insurrection  in  Scotland  itself,  when  re- 
lieved from  the  superiority  of  force  which  at 
present  was  so  great  on  the  side  of  the  Conven- 


100  NEGOTIATION    OF    THE    ENGLISH 

fion.  But  the  English  Commissioners  held  out 
a  bait  which  the  Convention  found  it  impossible 
to  resist. 

From  the  success  which  the  ruling  party  had 
experienced  in  establishing  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land on  a  Presbyterian  model,  and  from  the 
great  influence  which  the  clergy  of  that  per- 
suasion had  acquired  in  the  councils  of  the  na- 
tion by  the  late  course  of  events,  they  were  in- 
duced to  form  the  ambitious  desire  of  totally 
destroying  the  hierarchy  of  the  Church  of  En- 
gland, and  of  introducing  into  that  kingdom  a 
form  of  church  government  on  the  Presbyte- 
rian model.  To  accomplish  this  favourite  ob- 
ject, the  leading  Presbyterians  in  Scotland  were 
willing  to  run  every  risk,  and  to  make  every 
exertion. 

The  Commissioners  of  England  were  most 
ready  to  join  with  this  idea  of  destroying  Pre- 
lacy ;  but  they  knew  that  the  English  Parlia- 
ment party  were  greatly  divided  among  them- 
selves on  the  subject  of  substituting  the  Pres- 
byterian system  in  its  place.  The  whole  body 
of  Sectarians,  or  independents,  were  totally 
opposed  to  the  introduction  of  any  national 
church  government  whatever,  and  were  averse 
to  that  of  Presbytery  in  particular,  the  Scottish 
clergy  having,  in  their  opinion,  shown  them- 
selves disposed  to  be  as  absolute  as  tlie  bishops 
I  Kid  been  while  in  power.  But,  with  a  crafty 
policy,  the  Commissioners  conducted  tJie  nego- 
tiation ill  such  a  manner  as  to  give  the  Scottish 
Convention  reason  to  believe,  that  they  Avould 
accomplish  their  favourite  desire  of  seeing  the 


PARLIAMENT   WITH    THE    SCOTS.  101 

system  which  they  so  much  admired  acknow- 
ledged and  adopted  in  England,  while,  in  fact, 
they  bound  their  constituents,  the  English  Par- 
liament, to  nothing  specific  on  the  subject. 

The  Commissioners  proposed  to  join  with 
the  Scottish  nation  in  a  new  edition  of  the 
Covenant,  which  had  before  proved  such  a 
happy  bond  of  union  among  the  Scots  them- 
selves. In  this  new  bond  of  religious  associa- 
tion, which  was  called  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  it  was  provided,  that  the  church  go- 
vernment of  Scotland  should  be  supported  and 
maintained  on  its  present  footing  ;  but  with 
regard  to  England,  the  agreement  was  express- 
ed with  studied  ambiguity — the  religious  system 
of  England,  it  was  provided,  should  be  reformed 
"  according  to  the  word  of  God,  and  the  exam- 
ple of  the  best  reformed  churches." 

The  Scots,  usually  more  cautious  in  their 
transactions,  never  allowed  themselves  to  doubt 
for  a  moment,  that  the  rule  and  example  to  be 
adopted  under  this  clause  must  necessarily  be 
that  of  Presbytery,  and  under  this  conviction, 
both  the  nobles  and  the  clergy  hastened  with 
raptures,  and  even  with  tears  of  joy,  to  sub- 
scribe the  proposed  League.  But  several  of 
the  English  Commissioners  enjoyed  in  secret 
the  reserved  power  of  interpreting  the  clause 
otherwise,  and  of  explaining  the  phrase  in  a 
sense  applicable  to  their  own  ideas  of  eman- 
cipation from  church  government  of  every 
kind. 

The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  was  sworn 
to  in  Scotland   with  general   acclamation,  and 
14* 


102  SCOTTISH  ARBIY  ENTERS  EXGLAND. 

was  received  and  adopted  by  theEiigiisliPariia- 
ment  with  the  same  applause,  all  discussion  of 
the  dubious  article  being  cautiously  avoided. 
The  Scots  proceeded,  with  eager  haste,  to 
send  to  the  assistance  of  the  Parliament  of 
England  a  well-disciplined  army  of  upwards  of 
twenty  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of 
Alexander  Lesley,  Earl  of  Leven.  An  officer 
of  character,  named  Baillie,  was  Leven's  Lieu- 
tenant, and  David  Lesley,  a  man  of  greater 
military  talents  than  either,  was  his  Major- 
General.  Their  presence  contributed  greatly 
to  a  decisive  victory  which  the  Parliament 
forces  gained  at  Marston  Moor ;  and  indeed, 
as  was  to  be  expected  from  their  numbers  and 
discipline,  quickly  served  to  give  that  party  the 
preponderance  in  the  field. 

But  v/hile  the  Scottish  auxiliaries  were  ac- 
tively serving  the  common  cause  of  the  Parlia- 
ment in  England,  the  courageous  and  romantic 
enterprise  of  the  Earl  of  Montrose  broke  out  in 
a  train  of  success,  which  threatened  to  throw 
Scotland  itself  into  the  hands  of  the  King  and 
his  friends.  This  nobleman's  bold  genius, 
when  the  royalist  party  in  Scotland  seemed 
totally  crushed  and  dispersed,  devised  the  means 
of  assembling  them  together,  and  of  menacing 
the  Convention  of  Estates  with  the  destruction 
of  their  power  at  home,  even  at  the  moment 
when  they  hoped  to  establish  the  Presbyterian 
Church  in  both  kingdoms,  by  the  success  of  the 
.'•rniy  whicli  they  had  despatched  into  England. 

After  obtaining  his  liberation  from  imprison- 
ment, Montrose  had  repaired  to  England,  and 


I 


STATE  OF  PARTIES  IX  SCOTLAND.  103 

suggested  to  the  King  a  plan  of  operations  to 
be  executed  by  a  body  of  Irish,  to  be  despatched 
by  the  Earl  of  Antrim  from  the  county  of 
Ulster,  and  landed  in  the  West  Highlands. 
With  these  he  proposed  to  unite  a  force  col- 
lected from  the  Highland  clans,  who  were  dis- 
inclined to  the  Presbyterian  government,  great 
enemies  to  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  and  attached  to 
the  Royal  cause,  because  they  regarded  the 
King  as  a  chieftain  whose  clan  was  in  rebellion 
against  him,  and  who,  therefore,  deserved  the 
support  of  every  faithful  mountaineer.  The 
promise  of  pay,  to  which  they  had  never  been 
accustomed,  and  the  certainty  of  booty,  would, 
as  Montrose  judiciously  calculated,  readily 
bring  many  chieftains  and  clans  to  the  Royal 
standard. 

The  powerful  family  of  the  Gordons,  in  Aber- 
deenshire, who,  besides  enjoying  almost  prince- 
ly authority  over  the  numerous  gentlemen  of 
their  family,  had  extensive  influence  among  the 
mountain  tribes  in  their  neighbourhood,  or,  in 
the  Scottish  phrase,  could  command  a  great 
Highland  following,  might  also  be  reckoned 
upon  with  certainty  ;  as  they  had  been  repeat- 
edly in  arms  for  the  King,  had  not  been  put 
down  without  a  stout  resistance,  and  were  still 
warmly  disposed  towards  the  Royal  cause. 

The  support  of  many  of  the  nobility  and 
gentry  in  the  north,  might  also  be  regarded  as 
probable,  should  Montrose  be  able  to  collect  a 
considerable  force.  The  Episcopal  establish- 
ment, so  odious  to  the  lords  and  barons  of  the 
-nuthcrn  and  western  parts  of  Scotland,  vras 


104  STATE  OF  PARTIES  IN   SCOTLAND. 

popular  in  the  north.  The  northern  barons 
were  displeased  with  the  extreme  strictness  of 
the  Presbyterian  clergy,  and  dissatisfied  with 
the  power  they  had  often  assumed  of  interfering 
with  the  domestic  arrangements  of  families, 
under  pretext  of  maintaining  moral  discipline. 

Finally,  there  were  in  all  parts  of  Scotland 
active  and  daring  men  disappointed  of  obtaining 
employment  or  preferment  under  the  existing 
government,  and  therefore  willing  to  join  in 
any  enterprise,  however  desperate,  w^hich  pro- 
mised a  change. 

All  this  was  known  to  the  Convention  of 
Estates ;  but  they  had  not  fully  estimated  the 
magnitude  of  the  danger.  Montrose's  personal 
talents  were,  to  a  certain  extent,  admitted;  but 
ordinary  men  were  incapable  of  estimating  such 
a  character  as  his  ;  and  he  was  generally  es- 
teemed a  vain,  though  able  young  man,  whose 
remarkable  ambition  was  capable  of  urging  him 
into  undertakings  which  were  impracticable. 
The  great  power  of  the  Earl  of  Argyle  was  re- 
lied upon  as  a  sufficient  safeguard  against  any 
attempt  on  the  West  Highlands ;  and  his  nume- 
rous, brave,  and  powerful  clan,  had  long  kept 
all  the  tribes  of  that  country  in  a  species  of 
awe,  if  not  subjection. 

But  the  character  of  the  Highlanders  was 
estimated  according  to  a  sort  of  calculation, 
which  time  had  rendered  very  erroneous.  In 
the  former  days  of  Scotland,  when  the  Low- 
lands were  inhabited  by  men  as  brave,  and  much 
better  armed  and  disciplined  than  the  moun- 
taineers,  the   latter  had  indeed   often  shown 


STATE  OF  PARTIES  IN  SCOTLAND.  1G5 

themselves  alert  as  light  troops,  unwearied  in 
predatory  excursions ;  but  had  been  generally, 
from  their  tumultuary  charge,  liable  to  defeat, 
either  from  a  steady  body  of  spearmen,  who  re- 
ceived their  onset  with  lowered  lances,  or  from 
an  attack  of  the  feudal  chivalry  of  the  Low- 
lands, completely  armed  and  well  mounted. 
At  Harlaw,  Corrichie,  Glenlivat,  and  on  many 
other  occasions,  tlie  irregular  forces  of  the 
Highlands  had  been  defeated  by  an  inferior 
number  of  their  Lowland  opponents. 

These  recollections  might  lead  the  governors 
jf  Scotland,  during  the  civil  war,  to  hold  a 
Highland  army  in  low  estimation.  ^  But  it  was 
without  considering  that  half  a  century  of  unin- 
terrupted peace  had  rendered  the  Lowlanders 
much  more  unwarlike,  while  the  Highlander, 
who  always  went  armed,  was  familiar  with  the 
use  of  weapons  which  he  constantly  wore,  and 
far  superior  in  that  particular,  as  well  as  in  the 
alacrity  and  love  of  fight,  to  the  Lowland  pea- 
sant, called  from  the  peaceful  occupations  of 
the  farm,  and  only  prepared,  by  a  fev/  days' 
drilling,  to  encounter  the  unwonted  dangers  of 
a  field  of  battle.  The  burghers,  who  made  a 
forrnidable  part  of  the  array  of  the  Scottish- 
army  in  former  times,  were  now  still  more  un- 
warlike than  the  peasant,  being  not  only  Mdth- 
out  skill  in  arms  and  Aimiliarity  with  danger, 
but  also  the  personal  habits  o^  exercise  V\'hich 
the  rustic  mijxht  have  preserved.  This  great 
and  essential  difierence  between  the  Highlander 
and  Lowlander  of  modern  days,  could  scarcely 
be  estimated  in  tlic  middle  of  the  seventeenth 


106  MONTROSE  PROCEEDS  TO  THE 

century,  the  causes  by  which  it  was  brought 
about  being  recent,  and  attracting  Uttle  attention. 

Montrose's  first  plan  was  to  collect  a  body 
of  Royalist  horse  on  the  frontiers  of  England, 
to  burst  at  once  into  the  centre  of  Scotland  at 
their  head,  and  force  his  way  to  Stirling,  where 
a  body  of  cavaliers  had  promised  to  assemble 
and  join  him.  The  expedition  was  discon- 
certed by  a  sort  of  mutiny  among  the  English 
horse  who  had  joined  him  ;  in  consequence  of 
which,  Montrose  disbanded  his  handful  of  fol- 
lowers, and  exhorted  them  to  make  their  way 
to  the  King,  or  to  join  the  nearest  body  of  men 
in  arms  for  the  Royal  cause,  while  he  himself 
adopted  a  new  and  more  desperate  plan.  He 
took  with  him  only  two  friends,  and  disguised 
himself  as  the  groom  of  one  of  them,  whom  he 
followed,  ill  mounted  and  worse  dressed,  and 
leading  a  spare  horse.  They  called  them- 
selves gentlemen  belonging  to  Leven's  army ; 
for,  of  course,  if  Montrose  had  been  discovered 
by  the  Covenanting  party,  a  rigorous  captivity 
was  the  least  he  might  expect. 

At  one  time  he  seemed  on  the  point  of  being 
detected  ;  a  straggling  soldier  passed  his  two 
companions,  and  coming  up  to  the  Earl  of 
Montrose,  saluted  him  respectfully  by  his  name 
and  title.  Montrose  tried  to  persuade  him  that 
he  was  mistaken;  but  tlie  man  persisted,  though 
with  tlie  utmost  respect  and  liumility  of  deport- 
ment. "  Do  I  not  know  my  noble  Lord  of 
Montrose  ?"  he  said  ;  "  But  go  your  way,  and 
(t(k1  be  with  you."  The  circumstance  alarmed 
Montrose  and  his  companions;  but  the  poor 


NORTH   IN   DISGUISE.  167 


fellow  was  faithful,  and  never  betrayed  his  old 
leader. 

In  this  disguise  he  reached  the  verge  of  the 
Highlands,  and  lay  concealed  in  the  house  of 
his  relation,  Graham  of  Inchbraco,  and  after- 
wards, for  still  greater  safety,  in  an  obscure  hut 
on  the  Highland  frontier,  while  he  despatched 
spies  in  every  direction,  to  bring  him  intelli- 
gence of  the  state  of  the  Royalist  party.  Bad 
news  came  from  all  quarters.  The  Marquis 
of  Huntly  had  taken  arms  hastily  and  impru- 
dently, and  had  been  defeated  and  compelled 
to  fly ;  while  Gordon  of  Haddow,  one  of  the 
most  active  and  gallant  of  the  name,  became 
prisoner  to  the  Covenanters,  and,  to  strike  ter- 
ror into  the  rest  of  the  clan,  was  publicly  exe- 
cuted by  order  of  the  Scottish  Parliament. 

Montrose's  spirit  was  not  to  be  broken  even 
by  this  disappointment ;  and,  while  anxiously 
waiting  further  intelligence,  an  indistinct  ru- 
mour reached  him  that  a  body  of  soldiers  from 
Ireland  had  landed  in  the  West  Highlands,  and 
were  wandering  in  the  mountains,  followed  and 
watched  by  Argyle  with  a  strong  party  of  his 
clan.  Shortly  after,  he  learned,  by  a  messen- 
ger despatched  on  purpose,  that  this  was  the 
body  of  auxiliaries  sent  to  him  from  Ulster  by 
the  Earl  of  Antrim.  Their  commander  was 
Alaster  of  MacDonald,  a  Scoto-Irishman,  I  be- 
lieve, of  the  Antrim  family.  He  was  called  Col 
Kittoch,  or  Colkitto,  from  his  being  left-hand- 
ed ;  a  very  brave  and  daring  man,  but  vain  and 
opinionative,  and  not  understanding  any  thing 
of  regular  warfare. 


108  BODY    OF   ITilc] 


Montrose  sent  orders  to  him  to  march  with 
all  speed  into  the  district  of  Athole,  and  des- 
patched emissaries  to  raise  the  gentlemen  of 
tliat  country  in  arms,  as  they  were  generally 
well  affected  to  the  King's  cause.  He  himself 
set  out  to  join  this  little  band,  attired  in  an 
ordinary  Highland  garb,  and  accompanied  only 
by  Inchbraco  as  his  guide.  The  Irish  were 
surprised  and  disappointed  to  see  their  expected 
General  appear  so  poorly  dressed  and  attended; 
nor  had  Montrose  greater  reason  to  congratu- 
late himself  on  the  appearance  of  his  army. 
The  force  which  was  assembled  did  not  exceed 
fifteen  hundred  Irish,  instead  of  the  thousands 
promised,  and  these  were  but  indifferently 
armed  and  appointed,  while  only  a  few  High- 
landers from  Badenoch  were  yet  come  to  the 
appointed  rendezvous. 

These  active  mountain  warriors,  however, 
had,  a  day  or  two  before,  been  at  blows  with 
the  Covenanters.  Macpherson  of  Cluny,  chief 
of  his  name,  had  sent  out  a  party  of  men  to  look 
out  for  Montrose,  who  was  looked  for  every 
minute.  They  beheld  the  approach  of  a  de- 
tached body  of  horse,  which  they  concluded 
was  the  escort  of  their  expected  General.  But 
when  they  approached  nearer,  the  MacPher- 
sons  found  it  to  be  several  troops  of  the  Cove- 
nanters' cavalry,  commanded  by  Colonel  Her- 
ries,  and  quartered  in  Glencairn,  for  the  sake 
of  bridling  the  Highlanders. 

Wliile  tin;  troops  were  coming  on  in  formi- 
dable superiority  of  numbers,  MacPherson  of 
Invereshie,  who  was  drawing  up  his  Highland- 


ASSISTANCE  OF  MONTROSE.  1(59 


crs  for  action,  observed  one  of  them  in  the  act 
of  stooping;  and  as  he  lifted  his  stick  to  strike 
him  for  such  conduct  in  the  face  of  the  enemy, 
the  Highlander  arose,  and  showed  him  the 
countenance  of  MacPherson  of  Dalifour,  one 
of  the  boldest  men  of  the  clan.  Highly  sur- 
prised, Invereshie  demanded  how  he,  of  all 
men,  could  think  of  stooping  before  an  enemy. 
"  I  was  only  fastening  a  spur  on  the  heel  of 
my  brogue,"  said  Dalifour,  with  perfect  com- 
posure. "A  spur!  and  for  what  purpose,  at 
such  a  time  and  place  as  this  ?"  asked  Invere- 
shie. "  I  intend  to  have  a  good  horse  before 
the  day  is  over,"  answered  the  clansman,  with 
the  same  coolness.  Dalifour  kept  his  'vvord  ; 
for  the  Lowland  horse  being  v/orsted  in  the 
first  onset,  he  got  possession  of  a  charger,  on 
which  he  followed  the  pursuit,  and  brought  in 
two  prisoners. 

The  report  of  this  skirmish  gave  a  good 
specimen  to  Montrose  of  the  mettle  of  the 
mountaineers,  while  the  subsequent  appear- 
ance of  the  Athole  men,  eight  hundred  strong, 
and  the  enthusiastic  shouts  with  which  they 
received  their  General,  soon  gave  confidence 
to  the  light-hearted  Irishmen.  He  instantly 
commenced  his  march  upon  Strathern,  and 
crossed  the  Tay.  He  had  scarce  done  so, 
when  he  discovered  on  the  hill  of  Buchanty  a 
body  of  about  four  hundred  men,  who,  he  had 
the  satisfaction  to  learn  by  his  scouts,  were 
commanded  by  two  of  his  own  particular 
friends,  Lord  Kilpont  and  Sir  John  Drum- 
mond.     They  had  taken  arms,  on  hearing  that 

Vol.  I.  15 


1*70  BATTLE  OF  TIPPERMUIR. 

a  body  of  Irish  were  traversing  the  country  ; 
and  learning  that  they  were  there  under  Mont- 
rose's command,  for  the  King's  service,  they 
immediately  placed  themselves  and  their  fol- 
lowers under  his  orders. 

Montrose  received  these  succours  in  good 
time,  for  while  Argyle  pursued  him  with  a 
large  body  of  his  adherents,  who  had  followed 
the  track  of  the  Irish,  Lord  Elcho,  the  Earl  of 
Tullibardin,  and  Lord  Drummond,  had  collect- 
ed an  army  of  Lowlanders  to  protect  the  city 
of  Perth,  and  to  fight  Montrose,  in  case  he 
should  descend  from  the  hills.  Montrose  was 
aware,  that  siich  an  enterprise  as  he  had  un- 
dertaken, could  only  be  supported  by  an  excess 
of  activity  and  decision.  He  therefore  advanced 
upon  the  Lowland  forces  of  Elcho,  whom  he 
found,  on  1st  September,  1644,  drawn  up  in 
good  order  in  a  large  plain  called  Tippermuir, 
within  three  miles  of  Perth.  They  were  nearly 
double  Montrose's  army  in  number,  and  much 
encouraged  by  numerous  ministers,  who  ex- 
horted them  to  fight  valiantly,  and  promised 
them  certain  victory.  They  had  cannon  also, 
and  cavalry,  whereas  Montrose  had  no  artillery, 
and  only  three  horses  in  his  army. 

After  a  skirmish  with  the  Covenanters'  ca- 
valry, in  which  they  were  beaten  off,  Montrose 
charged  with  the  Highlanders,  under  a  heavy 
fire  from  his  Irish  musketeers.  They  burst 
into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  with  irresistible 
fury,  and  compelled  them  to  fly.  Once  broken, 
the  superiority  of  numbers  became  useless,  as 
the  means  of  supporting  a  main  body  by  re- 


SURRENDEIi   OF  PERTH.  171 

serves  was  not  then  known  or  practised.  The 
Covenanters  fled  in  the  utmost  terror  and  con- 
fusion, but  the  light-footed  Highlanders  did 
great  execution  in  the  pursuit.  Many  honest 
burghers,  distressed  by  the  extraordinary  speed 
which  they  were  compelled  to  exert,  broke 
their  wind,  and  died  in  consequence.  Mon- 
trose sustained  little  or  no  loss. 

The  town  of  Perth  surrendered,  and  for  this 
act  a  long  string  of  reasons  were  given,  which 
are  rather  a:r.iT:ir!gly  stated  in  a  letter  from  the 
ministers  of  that  town;  but  we  have  only  space 
to  mention  a  few  of  them.  First,  it  is  alleged, 
that  out  of  Elcho's  defeated  army,  only  about 
twelve  of  the  Fifeshire  men  off'ered  themselves 
to  the  magistrates  in  defence  of  the  town,  and 
most  of  them  were  pot-valiant  from  liquor. 
Secondly,  the  citizens  had  concealed  them- 
selves in  cellars  and  vaults,  where  they  lay 
panting  in  vain  endeavours  to  recover  the 
breath  which  they  had  wasted  in  their  retreat, 
scarcely  finding  words  enough  to  tell  the  Pro- 
vost, "  that  their  hearts  were  away,  and  that 
they  would  fight  no  more  though  they  should 
be  killed."  Thirdly,  the  letter  states,  that  if 
the  citizens  had  had  the  inclination  to  stand 
out,  they  had  no  means,  most  of  them  having 
flung  away  their  weapons  in  their  flight. 
Fourthly,  the  enemy  were,  it  is  said,  drawn  up 
like  so  many  hellhounds  before  the  gates  of  the 
town,  their  hands  deeply  dyed  in  the  blood 
recently  shed,  and  demanding,  with  hideous 
cries,  to  be  led  to  further  slaughter. 

'I'he  magistrates  perhaps  deserve  no  blame, 


172  SURRENDER  OF  PERTH. 

if  they  capitulated  in  such  circumstances,  to 
avoid  the  horrors  of  a  storm.  But  their  con- 
duct shows,  at  the  same  time,  how  much  tlic 
people  of  the  Lowlands  had  degenerated  in 
point  of  military  courage. 

Perth  consequently  opened  its  gates  to  the 
victor.  But  Argyle,  whose  northern  army  had 
been  augmented  by  a  considerable  body  of  ca- 
valry, was  now  approaching  with  a  force, 
against  which  Montrose  could  not  pretend  to 
defend  an  open  town.  He  abandoned  Perth, 
therefore,  and  marched  into  Angus-shire,  hoping 
he  might  find  adherents  in  that  county.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  was  there  joined  by  the  old 
Earl  of  Airlie  and  two  of  his  sons,  who  never 
forsook  him  in  success  or  disaster. 

This  accession  of  strength  was  counterba- 
lanced by  a  shocking  event.  There  was  a  High- 
land gentleman  in  Montrose's  camp,  named 
James  Stewart  of  Ardvoirlich,  whose  birtli 
had  been  attended  with  some  peculiar  circum- 
stances, which,  though  they  lead  me  from  my 
present  subject,  I  cannot  refrain  from  noticing. 

While  his  mother  was  pregnant,  there  came 
to  the  house  of  Ardvoirlich  a  band  of  outlaws, 
called  Children  of  the  Mist,  MacGregors,  some 
say,  others  call  them  MacDonalds  of  Ardna- 
murchan.  They  demanded  food,  and  the  lady 
caused  bread  and  cheese  to  be  placed  on  the 
table,  and  went  into  the  kitchen  to  order  a 
better  meal  to  be  made  ready,  such  being  the 
unvarying  process  of  Highland  hospitality, 
Wlien  the  poor  lady  returned,  she  saw  upon  the 
U\h](\  with  its  moulh  stutVed   full  of  food,  the 


MURDER  OF  LORD  KILPOXT.  173 


bloody  head  of  her  brother,  Drummond  of 
Drummondernoch,  whom  the  outlaws  had  met 
and  murdered  in  the  wood.  The  poor  woman 
shrieked,  ran  wildly  into  the  forest,  where, 
notwithstanding  strict  search,  she  could  not  be 
found  for  many  weeks.  At  length  she  was 
secured,  but  in  a  state  of  insanity,  which  doubt- 
less was  partly  communicated  to  the  infant  of 
whom  she  was  shortly  after  delivered.  The  lad, 
however,  grew  up.  He  was  an  uncertain  and 
dangerous  character,  but  distinguished  for  his 
muscular  strength,  which  was  so  great,  that  he 
could,  in  grasping  the  hand  of  another  person, 
force  the  blood  from  under  the  nails. 

This  man  was  much  favoured  by  the  Lord 
Kilpont,  M'hose  accession  to  the  King's  party 
we  lately  mentioned;  indeed,  he  was  admitted 
to  share  that  young  nobleman's  tent  and  bed. 
It  appears  that  Ardvoirlich  had  disapproved  of 
the  step  which  his  friend  had  taken  in  joining 
Montrose,  and  that  he  had  solicited  the  young 
lord  to  join  him  in  deserting  from  the  Royal 
army,  and,  it  is  even  said,  in  murdering  the 
General.  Lord  Kilpont  rejected  these  'pro- 
posals  with  disdain,  w^hen,  either  offended  at 
his  expressions,  or  fearful  of  his  exposing  his 
treacherous  purpose,  Ardvoirlich  stabbed  Kil- 
pont mortally  with  his  dagger.  He  then  kill- 
ed the  sentinel,  and  escaped  to  the  camp  of 
Argyle,  where  he  received  preferment.  Mon- 
trose was  awakened  by  the  tumult  which  this 
melancholy  event  excited  in  the  camp,  and 
rushing  into  the  crowd  of  soldiers,  had  the 
mortification  to  see  the  bleeding  corpse  of  his 
15* 


174  MARCH  ON  ABERDEEN. 

noble  friend,  thus  basely  and  treacherously 
murdered.  The  death  of  this  young  nobleman 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  Royal  cause. 

Montrose,  so  much  inferior  in  numbers  to 
his  enemies,  could  not  well  form  any  fixed 
plan  of  operations.  He  resolved  to  make  up 
for  this,  by  moving  with  the  most  extraordina- 
ry celerity  from  one  part  of  the  country  to 
another,  so  as  to  strike  severe  blows  where 
they  were  least  expected,  and  take  the  chance 
of  awakening  the  drooping  spirit  of  the  Roy- 
alists. He  therefore  marched  suddenly  to 
Aberdeen,  to  endeavour  to  arouse  the  Gor- 
dons to  arms,  and  defeat  any  body  of  Cove- 
nanters which  might  overawe  the  King's 
friends  in  that  country. 

His  army  was  now,  however,  greatly  re- 
duced in  numbers  ;  for  the  Highlanders,  who 
had  no  idea  of  serving  for  a  whole  campaign, 
had  gone  home  to  their  own  districts,  to  lodge 
their  booty  in  safety,  and  get  in  their  harvest. 
It  was,  on  all  occasions,  the  greatest  inconveni- 
ence attending  a  Highland  army,  that  after  a 
battle,  whether  they  won  the  day  or  lost  it, 
they  were  certain  to  leave  their  standard  in 
great  numbers,  and  held  it  their  undoubted 
right  to  do  so  ;  insomuch,  that  a  victory  thin- 
ned their  ranks  as  much  as  a  defeat  is  apt  to 
do  those  of  other  armies.  It  is  true,  that  they 
could  be  gathered  again  with  equal  celerity ; 
but  this  humour,  of  deserting  at  their  pleasure, 
was  a  principal  reason  why  the  brilliant  victo- 
ries of  Montrose  were  productive  of  few  de- 
cided results. 


DEFEAT  OF  LORD  LEWIS  GORDON.     175 

On  reaching  Aberdeen,  Montrose  hastened 
to  take  possession  of  the  Bridge  of  Dee,  the 
principal  approach  to  that  town,  and  having 
made  good  this  important  point,  he  found  him- 
self in  front  of  an  army  commanded  by  Lord 
Burleigh.  He  had  the  mortification  also  to 
find,  that  part  of  a  large  body  of  horse  in  the 
Covenanting  army  were  Gordons,  who  had 
been  compelled  to  take  arms  in  that  cause  by 
Lord  Lewis  Gordon,  the  second  son  of  the 
Marquis  of  Huntly,  a  wild  and  wilful  young 
man,  whose  politics  differed  from  those  of  his 
father  and  family. 

Finding  himself  greatly  inferior  in  horse,  of 
which  he  had  not  fifty,  Montrose  intermingled 
with  his  cavalry  some  of  his  musketeers,  who, 
for  breath  and  speed,  could  keep  up  with  the 
movements  of  such  horse  as  he  possessed. 
The  Gordons,  not  perhaps  very  favourable  to 
the  side  on  which  they  ranked,  made  an  ineffect- 
ual attack  upon  the  horse  of  Moijtrose,  which 
was  repelled.  When  the  mingled  musketeers 
and  cavalry  advanced  on  them,  Lord  Lewis's 
men  fled,  in  spite  of  his  own  personal  exer- 
tions ;  and  Montrose,  we  are  informed,  found 
it  possible  to  move  his  handful  of  cavalry  to 
the  other  wing  of  his  army,  and  to  encounter 
and  defeat  the  horse  of  the  Covenanters  on 
both  flanks  successively  with  the  same  wearied 
party  of  riders.  The  terror  struck  into  his 
opponents  by  the  novelty  of  mixing  mus- 
keteers with  cavalry,  contributed  not  a  little 
to  this  extraordinary  success. 

While  this  vras  passing,  ihe  iv.o  l>;)<Ii(';-  of  in- 


17G  SACK  OF  ABERDEEN. 

fantry  cannonaded  each  other,  for  Montrose 
had  the  guns  which  he  took  at  Tippermuir. 
The  Covenanters  had  the  superiority  in  this 
part  of  the  action,  but  it  did  not  daunt  the  Roy- 
alists. The  gayety  of  an  Irishman,  whose  leg 
was  shot  off,  gave  spirit  to  all  around  him. — 
"  Go  on,"  he  cried,  "  this  bodes  me  promotion; 
for  now  the  General  will  make  me  a  trooper.'* 
Montrose  left  the  courage  of  his  men  no  time 
to  subside — he  led  them  daringly  up  to  the  ene- 
my's teeth,  and  succeeded  in  a  desperate  charge, 
routing  the  Covenanters,  and  pursuing  them 
into  the  town  and  through  the  streets.  Storm- 
ed as  it  was  by  such  a  tumultuary  army,  Aber- 
deen and  its  inhabitants  suffered  greatly.  Many 
were  killed  in  the  streets  ;  and  the  cruelty  of 
the  Irish  in  particular  was  so  great,  that  they 
compelled  the  wretched  citizens  to  strip  them- 
selves of  their  clothes  before  they  killed  them, 
to  prevent  their  being  spoiled  with  blood  ! 

Montrose  necessarily  gave  way  to  acts  of 
pillage  and  cruelty,  which  he  could  not  prevent, 
because  he  was  unprovided  with  money  to  pay 
his  half-barbarous  soldiery.  Yet  the  town  of 
Aberdeen  had  two  reasons  for  expecting  better 
treatment : — First,  that  it  had  always  inclined 
to  the  King's  party ;  and,  secondly,  that  Mon- 
trose himself  had,  when  acting  for  the  Cove- 
nanters, been  the  agent  in  oppressing  for  its 
loyalty  the  very  city  which  his  troops  were  now 
plundering  on  the  opposite  score. 

Argyle  always  continued  following  Montrose 
with  a  superior  army,  but,  it  would  appear,  not 
with  a   very  anxious  desire   to   ovcrtakr  him. 


MONTROSE  IN  IMMINENT  DANGER.         177 


With  a  degree  of  activity  that  seemed  incredi- 
ble, Montrose  marched  up  the  Spey,  hoping 
still  to  raise  the  Gordons.  But  these  gentlemen 
too  strongly  resented  his  former  conduct  to- 
wards them,  as  General  for  the  Covenant,  be- 
sides being  sore  with  recollections  of  their  re- 
cent check  at  the  Bridge  of  Dee,  and  would  not 
join  him.  On  the  other  hand,  the  men  of  Mur- 
ray, who  were  very  zealous  against  Montrose, 
appeared  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Spey  to 
oppose  his  passage. 

Thus  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  and  headed 
back  like  an  animal  of  chase  from  the  course 
he  intended  to  pursue,  Montrose  and  his  little 
army  showed  an  extremity  of  courage.  They 
hid  their  cannon  in  a  bog,  destroyed  what 
they  had  of  heavy  baggage,  entered  Badenoch, 
where  the  Clan  Chattan  had  shown  themselves 
uniformly  friendly,  and  descended  from  thence 
upon  Athole,  and  so  on  to  Angus-shire.  After 
several  long  and  rapid  marches,  Montrose  re- 
turned again  into  Strathbogie,  recrossing  the 
great  chain  of  the  Grampians,  and,  clinging  still 
to  the  hope  of  being  able  to  raise  the  gentlemen 
of  the  name  of  Gordon,  again  repaired  to  Aber- 
deenshire. 

Here  this  bold  leader  narrowly  escaped  a 
great  danger.  His  army  was  considerably  dis- 
persed, and  he  himself  lying  at  the  Castle  of 
Fyvie,  when  he  found  himself  at  once  threaten- 
ed, and  nearly  surrounded,  by  Argyle  and  Lo- 
thian, at  the  head  of  very  superior  forces.  A 
part  of  the  enemy  had  already  occupied  the  ap- 
proach to  his  position  by  means  of  ditches  and 


178  SKIRMISH  AT  FYVIE. 

enclosures,  through  which  they  had  insinuated 
themselves,  and  his  own  men  were  beginning 
to  look  out  of  countenance,  when  Montrose, 
disguising  his  apprehensions,  called  to  a  gay 
and  gallant  young  Irish  officer,  as  if  he  had 
been  imposing  a  trifling  piece  of  duty, — "  What 
are  you  doing,  O'Kean  ?  Can  you  not  chase 
these  troublesome  rascals  out  of  the  ditches  and 
enclosures  ?"  O'Kean  obeyed  the  command  in 
the  spirit  in  which  it  was  given  ;  and,  driving 
the  enemy  before  him,  got  possession  of  some 
of  their  gunpowder,  which  was  much  needed  in 
Montrose's  army.  The  remark  of  the  Irishman 
on  this  occasion,  who  heavily  complained  of 
the  neglect  of  the  enemy  in  omitting  to  leave  a 
supply  of  ball  corresponding  to  the  powder, 
showed  the  confidence  with  which  Montrose 
had  been  able  to  inspire  his  men. 

The  Earl  of  Lothian,  on  the  other  side,  came 
with  four  troops  of  horse  upon  Montrose's 
handful  of  cavalry,  amounting  scarcely  to  fifty 
men.  But  Montrose  had,  as  at  the  bridge  of 
Dee,  sustained  his  troopers  by  mingling  them 
with  musketry.  So  that  Lothian's  men,  re- 
ceiving an  unexpected  and  galling  fire,  wheeled 
about,  and  could  not  again  be  brought  to  ad- 
vance. Many  hours  were  spent  in  skirmishing, 
with  advantage  on  Montrose's  part,  and  loss  on 
that  of  Argyle,  until  at  length  the  former 
thought  it  most  advisable  to  retreat  from  Fyvic 
to  Strathbogie. 

On  the  road  he  was  deserted  by  many  Low- 
land gentlemen  who  had  joined  him,  and  who 
saw  his  victories  were  followed  with  no  better 


CLOSE  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN'.  179 

results  than  toilsome  marches  among  wilds, 
where  it  was  nearly  impossible  to  provide  sub- 
sistence for  man  or  horse,  and  which  the  ap- 
proach of  winter  was  about  to  render  still  more 
desolate.  They  left  his  army,  therefore,  pro- 
mising to  return  in  summer ;  and  of  all  his 
Lowland  adherents,  the  old  Earl  of  Airlie  and 
his  sons  alone  remained.  They  had  paid  dearly 
for  their  attachment  to  the  Royal  cause,  Argyle 
having  plundered  their  estates,  and  burnt  their 
principal  mansion,  the  "  Bonnie  house  of  Air- 
lie,"  situated  on  the  river  Isla,  the  memory  of 
which  conflagration  is  still  preserved  in  Scot- 
tish song. 

But  the  same  circumstances  which  wearied 
out  the  patience  of  Montrose's  Lowland  follow- 
ers, rendered  it  impossible  for  Argyle  to  keep 
the  field ;  and  he  sent  his  army  into  winter 
quarters,  in  full  confidence  that  his  enemy  was 
cooped  up  for  the  season  in  the  narrow  and 
unprovided  country  of  Athole,  and  its  neigh- 
bourhood, where  he  might  be  suffered  to  exist 
with  little  inconvenience  to  the  rest  of  Scot- 
land, till  spring  should  enable  the  Covenanters 
to  attack  him  with  a  superior  force.  In  the 
meantime,  the  Marquis  of  Argyle  returned  to 
his  own  domains. 


[     180    ] 


CHAP.  X. 

Invasion  of  Ar gyle's  Country  by  Montrose — 
Battles  of  Inverlochy,  Aulderne,  Alford, 
and  Kilsyth,  gained  by  Montrose,  who,  by 
the  Victory  at  Kilsyth,  becomes  Master  of 
Scotland — He  is  appointed  Captain-Gene- 
ral and  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Scotland 
— marches  upon  the  Borders — is  defeated  by 
Lesley  at  Philiphaugh — retires  to  the  High- 
lands, and  leaves  Scotland. 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  December  that 
Argyle  was  residing  at  his  castle  of  Inverary, 
in  the  most  perfect  confidence  that  the  enemy 
could  not  approach  him,  since  he  used  to  say  he 
would  not  for  a  hundred  thousand  crowns  that 
any  one  knew  the  passes  from  the  eastward 
into  the  shire  of  Argyle.  While  the  powerful 
Marquis  was  enjoying  this  fancied  security  of 
his  feudal  dominions  he  was  astounded  v/ilh 
the  intelligence  that  Montrose,  with  an  army  of 
Highlanders,  wading  through  drifts  of  snow, 
scaling  precipices,  and  traversing  the  mountain 
paths,  known  to  none  save  the  solitary  shep- 
herd or  huntsman,  had  forced  an  entry  into  his 
country,  which  he  was  laying  waste  with  all 
the  vindictive  severity  of  deadly  feud.  There 
was  neither  time  nor  presence  of  mind  for  de- 
fence. The  able-bodied  men  were  slaughtered, 
the  cattle  driven  off,  the  houses  burnt ;  and 
the    invaders    had    divided    tlicmselves    into 


BATTLE    OF    IXVERLPCHY.  181 

three  bands,  to  make  the  devastation  more 
complete. 

Alarmed  by  this  fierce  and  unexpected  in- 
vasion, Argyle  embarked  on  board  a  fishing 
boat,  and  left  his  country  to  its  fate.  Montrose 
continued  the  work  of  revenge  for  nearly  a 
month,  and  then  concluding  he  had  destroyed 
the  influence  which  Argyle,  by  the  extent  of  his 
power,  and  the  supposed  strength  of  his  coun- 
try, had  possessed  over  the  minds  of  the 
Highlanders,  he  withdrew  towards  Inverness, 
with  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  general 
gathering  of  the  clans.  But  he  had  scarce 
made  this  movement,  when  he  learned  that  his 
rival,  Argyle,  had  returned  into  the  Western 
Highlands  with  some  Lowland  forces  ;  that  he 
had  called  around  him  his  numerous  clan, 
burning  to  revenge  the  wrongs  which  they  had 
sustained,  and  was  lying  ^Mth  a  strong  force 
near  the  old  Castle  of  Inverlochy,  situated  at 
the  western  extremity  of  the  chain  of  lakes 
through  which  the  Caledonian  canal  is  now 
conducted. 

The  news  at  once  altered  Montrose's  plans. 

He  returned  upon  Argyle  by  a  succession  of 
the  most  difficult  mountain-passes  covered  with 
snow  ;  and  the  vanguard  of  the  Campbells  saw 
themselves  suddenly  engaged  with  that  of  their 
implacable  enemy.  Both  parties  lay  all  night 
on  their  arms,  but  by  break  of  day,  Argyle 
betook  himself  to  his  galley,  and,  rowing  oflT 
shore,  remained  a  spectator  of  the  combat, 
when,  by  all  the  rules  of  duty  and  gratitude, 
he  ought  to  have  been  at  the  head  of  his  de- 

Vol.  I.  16 


182  THE  GORDONS  JOIN   MONTROSE. 

-  ■  ■  -     ■   ..  ^ 

voted  followers.  His  unfortunate  clansmen 
supported  the  honour  of  the  name  with  the 
greatest  courage,  and  many  of  the  most  distin- 
guished fell  on  the  field  of  battle.  Montrose 
gained  a  complete  victory,  which  greatly  ex- 
tended his  influence  over  the  Highlands,  and 
in  proportion  diminished  that  of  his  discomfit- 
ed rival. 

Having  collected  what  force  he  could,  Mon- 
trose now  marched  triumphantly  to  the  north- 
east ;  and  in  the  present  successful  posture  of 
his  affairs,  engaged  at  length  the  Gordons  to 
join  him  with  a  good  body  of  cavalry,  com- 
manded by  their  young  chief,  Lord  Gordon. 
The  Convention  of  Estates  were  now  most  se- 
riously alarmed. 

While  Montrose  had  roamed  through  the 
Highlands,  retreating  before  a  superior  enemy, 
and  apparently  on  the  point  of  being  every 
moment  overwhelmed,  his  progress  was  re- 
garded as  a  distant  danger.  But  he  was  now 
threatening  the  low  country,  and  the  ruling 
party  were  not  so  confident  of  their  strength 
there  as  to  set  so  bold  an  adventurer  at  defi- 
ance. They  called  from  the  army  in  England 
General  Baillie,  an  ofllicer  of  skill  and  charac- 
ter, and  Sir  John  Urry,  or,  as  the  English  call- 
ed him,  Hurry,  also  a  brave  and  good  partizan, 
but  a  mere  soldier  of  fortune,  who  had  changed 
sides  more  than  once  during  the  civil  war. 

These  generals  commanded  a  body  of  vete- 
ran troops,  with  which  they  manoeuvred  to 
exclude  Montrose  from  the  southern  districts, 
and  prevent  his  crossing  the   Tay  or  Forth. 


STORMING  OF  DUNDEE.  183 

At  the  same  time,  the  mandate  of  the  Marquis 
of  Huntly,  or  the  intrigues  of  Lord  Lewis  Gor- 
don, again  recalled  most  of  the  Gordons  from 
Montrose's  standard,  and  his  cavalry  was  re- 
duced to  one  hundred  and  fifty.  He  was  com- 
pelled again  to  retire  to  the  mountains,  but,  de- 
sirous to  dignify  his  retreat  by  some  distin- 
guished action,  he  resolved  to  punish  the  town 
of  Dundee  for  their  steady  adherence  to  the 
cause  of  the  Covenant.  Accordingly,  suddenly 
appearing  before  it  with  a  chosen  body  selected 
for  the  service,  he  stormed  the  place  on  three 
points  at  once. 

The  Highlanders  and  Irish,  with  incredible 
fury,  broke  open  the  gates,  and  forced  an  en- 
trance. %  They  were  dispersing  in  quest  of 
liquor  and  plunder,  when  at  the  very  moment 
that  Montrose  threatened  to  set  the  town  on 
fire,  he  received  intelligence  that  Baillie  and 
Urry,  with  four  thousand  men,  were  within  a 
mile  of  the  place.  The  moment  required  all  the 
activity  of  Montrose  ;  but  he  was  able  to  with- 
draw the  men  from  their  revelling  and  plunder- 
ing, to  get  his  army  into  order,  and  to  eflfect  a 
retreat  to  the  mountains,  which  he  safely  ac- 
complished in  the  face  of  his  numerous  ene- 
mies, and  with  a  degree  of  skill  which  estab- 
lished his  military  character  as  firmly  as  any 
of  his  victories. 

In  this  difficult  manoeuvre,  Montrose  was 
well  seconded  by  the  hardihood  and  resolution 
of  his  men,  who  are  said  to  have  marched 
about  sixty  miles,  and  to  have  passed  three 
days  and  two  nights  in  manoeuvring  and  fight- 


184      DEFECTION  OF  THE  GORDONS. 

ing,  without  either  food  or  refreshment.  In  this 
manner  that  leader  repeatedly  baffled  the  nu- 
merous forces  and  able  generals  who  were  em 
ployed  against  him.  The  great  check  upon  his 
enterprise  was  the  restlessness  of  the  High- 
landers, and  the  caprice  of  the  gentlemen  who 
formed  his  cavalry,  who  all  went  and  came  at 
their  own  pleasure. 

I  have  told  you  that  the  Gordons  had  been 
withdrawn  from  Montrose's  standard,  contrary 
to  their  own  inclinations,  by  the  command  of 
Huntly,  or  the  address  of  Lord  Lewis  Gordon. 
By  employing  his  followers  in  enterprises  in 
which  the  plunder  was  certain  and  the  danger 
small,  this  young  nobleman  collected  under  his 
standard  all  those  who  were  reluctant  to  share 
the  toilsome  marches  and  bloody  fights  to 
which  they  were  led  under  that  of  Montrose. 
Hence  a  rhyme,  not  yet  forgotten  in  Aberdeen- 
shire, 

If  you  with  Lord  Lewis  go, 

You'll  get  reif  and  prey  enough ; 

If  you  with  Montrose  go, 
You'll  get  grief  and  wae  enough. 

But  the  Lord  Gordon,  Lewis's  elder  brother, 
continuing  attached  in  the  warmest  manner  to 
Montrose,  was  despatched  by  him  to  bring 
back  the  gentlemen  of  his  warlike  family,  and 
his  influence  soon  assembled  considerable 
forces.  General  Baillic,  learning  this,  detached 
Urry,  his  colleague,  with  a  force  which  he 
thought  sufficient  to.  destroy  Lord  Gordon, 
while  he  himself  proposed  to  engage  tlic  atten- 
tion of  Montrose  till  thai  point  was  gained. 


POPULARITY  OF  DUNDEE.  186 

therefore,  at  his  own  castle  of  Dudhope,  near 
Dundee,  where  he  had  an  opportunity  of  corres- 
ponding with  the  Highland  chiefs,  and  with  the 
northern  gentlemen,  who  were  generally  dis- 
posed to  Episcopacy,  and  favourable  to  the 
cause  of  King  James. 

Of  the  same  name  with  the  great  Marquis  of 
Montrose,  boasting  the  same  devoted  loyalty, 
and  a  character  as  enterprising,  with  judgment 
superior  to  that  of  his  illustrious  prototype, 
Dundee  is  said  to  have  replied  to  those  who, 
on  the  day  of  his  memorable  retreat,  asked  him 
whither  he  went, — "  That  he  was  going 
wherever  the  spirit  of  Montrose  should  con- 
duct him."  His  whole  mind  was  now  bent 
upon  realizing  this  chivalrous  boast.  His 
habits  were  naturally  prudent  and  economical ; 
but  while  others  kept  their  wealth  as  far  as 
possible  out  of  the  reach  of  the  revolutionary 
storm,  Dundee  liberally  expended,  for  the  cause 
of  his  old  master,  the  treasures  which  he  had 
amassed  in  his  service. 

His  arguments,  his  largesses,  the  high  influ- 
ence of  his  character  among  the  Highland 
chiefs,  whose  admiration  of  Ian  Dhu  Cean,  or 
Black  John  the  Warrior,  w^as  no  way  diminish- 
ed by  the  merciless  exploits  which  had  pro- 
cured him  in  the  Low  country  the  name  of  the 
Bloody  Claverse,  united  with  their  own  pre- 
dilection in  favour  of  James,  and  their  habitual 
love  of  war,  to  dispose  them  to  a  general  insur- 
rection. Some  of  the  clans,  however,  had,  as 
usual,  existing  feuds  amongst  themselves, 
which  Dundee  was  obliged  to  assist  in  com 
6* 


180  BATTLE    OF    AULDERNE. 

whatever  ;  but  a  few  resolute  men  posted  in 
front  of  the  village,  and  his  cannon  placed  in 
the  same  line,  made  it  appear  as  if  the  houses 
covered  a  body  of  infantry. 

Urry,  deceived  by  these  dispositions,  attacked 
with  a  preponderating  force  the  position  of 
MacDonald.  Colkitto  beat  them  back  with  the 
Irish  musketeers,  and  the  bows  and  arrows  of 
the  Highlanders,  who  still  used  these  ancient 
missile  weapons.  But  when  the  enemy,  renew- 
ing their  attack,  taunted  MacDonald  with  cow- 
ardice for  remaining  under  shelter  of  the  sheep- 
folds,  that  leader,  whose  bravery  greatly  excell- 
ed his  discretion,  sallied  forth  from  his  fastness, 
contrary  to  Montrose's  positive  command,  to 
show  he  was  not  averse  to  fight  on  equal 
ground.  The  superiority  of  numbers,  and  par- 
ticularly of  cavalry,  which  was  instantly  op- 
posed to  him,  soon  threw  his  men  into  great 
disorder,  and  they  could  with  difficulty  be  ral- 
lied by  the  desperate  exertions  of  Colkitto, 
who  strove  to  make  amends  for  his  error,  by 
displaying  the  utmost  personal  valour. 

A  trusty  officer  was  despatched  to  Montrose 
to  let  him  know  the  state  of  affiiirs.  The  mes- 
senger found  him  on  the  point  of  joining  battle, 
and  whispered  in  his  ear  that  Colkitto  was  de- 
feated. This  only  determined  Montrose  to 
pursue  with  the  greater  audacity  tlie  plan  of 
battle  which  he  had  adopted.  *'  What  are  we 
doing  ?"  he  called  out  to  Lord  Gordon;  "  Mac- 
Donald has  been  victorious  on  the  left,  and  it 
we  do  not  make  haste,  he  will  carry  off  all  the 
iionours  of  the  day."      Lord  (iordon  instantly 


BATTLE    OF    AULDERNE.  187 

charged  with  the  gentlemen  of  his  name,  and 
beat  the  Covenanters  horse  off  the  field  ;  but 
the  foot,  though  deserted  by  the  horse,  stood 
firm  for  some  time,  for  they  were  veteran 
troops.  At  length  they  were  routed  on  every 
point,  and  compelled  to  fly  with  great  loss. 

Montrose  failed  not  instantly  to  lead  suc- 
cours to  the  relief  of  his  left  wing,  which  was 
in  great  peril.  Colkitto  had  got  his  men  again 
secured  in  the  enclosures,  he  himself  defended 
the  entrance  sword  in  hand,  and  with  a 
target  on  his  left  arm.  The  pikemen  pressed 
him  so  hard  as  to  fix  their  spears  by  two  or 
three  at  a  time  in  his  target,  while  he  repeatedly 
freed  himself  of  them  by  cutting  the  heads  from 
the  shafts,  by  the  unerring  sweep  of  his  broad- 
sword. 

While  Colkitto  and  his  followers  were  thus 
hard  pressed,  Montrose  and  his  victorious 
troops  appeared,  and  the  face  of  affairs  was 
suddenly  changed.  Urry's  horse  fled,  but  the 
foot,  which  were  the  strength  of  his  army, 
fought  bravely,  and  fell  in  the  ranks  which  they 
occupied.  Two  thousand  men,  about  a  third  of 
Urry's  army,  were  slain  in  the  battle  of 
Aulderne ;  and,  completely  disabled  by  the 
overthrow,  that  commander  was  compelled 
once  more  to  unite  his  scattered  forces  with 
those  of  Baillie. 

After  some  marching  and  counter-marching, 
the  armies  again  found  themselves  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  each  other,  near  to  the  village  of 
Alford. 

Montrose  occupied  a  strong  position  on  a 


189  BATTLE    OF    ALFORD. 

>  .  

hill,  and  it  was  said  that  the  cautious  Baillie 
would  have  avoided  the  encounter,  had  it  not 
been  that,  having  crossed  the  river  Don,  in  the 
belief  that  Montrose  was  in  full  retreat,  he  only 
discovered  his  purpose  of  giving  battle  when  it 
was  too  late  to  decline  it.  The  number  of  in- 
fantry was  about  two  thousand  in  each  army. 
But  Baillie  had  more  than  double  his  opponent's 
number  of  cavalry.  Montrose's,  indeed,  were 
gentlemen,  and  therefore  in  the  day  of  battle 
were  more  to  be  relied  on  than  mere  hire- 
lings. 

The  Gordons  dispersed  the  Covenanting 
horse  on  the  first  shock  ;  and  the  musketeers, 
throwing  down  their  muskets,  and  mingling  in 
the  tumult  with  their  swords  drawn,  prevented 
the  cavalry  from  rallying.  But  as  Lord  Gordon 
threw  himself  for  the  second  time,  into  the  heat 
of  the  fight,  he  fell  from  his  horse,  mortally 
wounded  by  a  shot  from  one  of  the  fugitives. 
This  accident,  which  gave  the  greatest  distress 
to  Montrose,  suspended  the  exertions  of  the 
cavalry,  who,  chiefly  friends,  kinsmen,  and 
vassals  of  the  deceased,  flocked  around  him 
to  lament  the  general  loss.  But  the  veterans  of 
Montrose,  charging  in  columns  of  six  and  ten 
men  deep,  along  a  line  of  three  men  only,  broke 
that  of  the  Covenanters  on  various  points,  and 
utterly  destroyed  the  remnant  of  Baillie's  army 
though  they  defended  themselves  bravely. 

These  repeated  victories  gave  such  lustre  to 
Montrose's  arms,  that  he  was  now  joined  by  the 
Highland  clans  in  great  numbers,  and  by  many 
of  the  Lowland  anti-covenanters,  who  had  be- 


PLAGUE    IN    EDINBURGH.  189 

fore  held  back,  from  doubt  of  his  success  in  so 
unequal  a  contest. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Convention  of  Es- 
tates, supported  by  the  counsels  of  Argyle,who 
was  bold  in  council  though  timid  in  battle,  per- 
severed in  raising  new  troops,  notwithstanding 
their  repeated  misfortunes  and  defeats.  It 
seemed,  indeed,  as  if  Heaven  had  at  this  disas- 
trous period  an  especial  controversy  with  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland.  To  the  efforts  necessary 
to  keep  up  and  supply  their  auxiliary  army  in 
England,  were  added  the  desolation  occasioned 
by  a  destructive  civil  war,  maintained  in  the 
north  with  equal  fury  and  success,  and  con- 
ducted on  both  sides  with  deplorable  devasta- 
tion. 

To-  these  evils,  as  if  not  sufficient  to  exhaust 
the  resources  of  a  poor  country,  were  now 
added  those  of  a  wide-wasting  plague,  or  pesti- 
lence, which  raged  through  all  the  kingdom, 
but  especially  in  Edinburgh,  the  metropolis. 
The  Convention  of  Estates  were  driven  from 
the  capital  by  this  dreadful  infliction,  and  re- 
treated to  Perth,  where  they  assembled  a  large 
force  under  General  Baillie,  while  they  or- 
dered a  levy  of  ten  thousand  men  throughout 
the  kingdom.  While  Lanark,  Cassilis,  Eglin- 
ton,  and  other  lords  of  the  western  shires,  went 
to  their  respective  counties  to  expedite  the 
measure,  Montrose,  with  his  usual  activity,  de- 
scended from  the  mountains  at  the  head  of  an 
army  augmented  in  numbers,  and  flushed  with 
success. 

He  first  approached  the  shores  of  the  Forth, 


190       DESTRUCTION  OF  CASTLE-CAMPBELL. 

by  occupying  the  shire  of  Kinross.  And  here 
I  cannot  help  mentioning  the  destruction  of  a 
noble  castle  belonging  to  the  House  of  Argyle. 
Its  majestic  ruins  are  situated  on  an  eminence 
occupying  a  narrow  glen  of  the  Ochil  chain  of 
hills.  In  former  days,  it  was  called,  from  the 
character  of  its  situation  perhaps,  the  Castle  of 
Gloom ;  and  the  names  of  the  parish,  and  the 
stream  by  which  its  banks  are  washed,  had  also 
an  ominous  sound. 

The  Castle  of  Gloom  was  situated  on  the 
brook  of  Grief  or  Gryfe,  and  in  the  parish  of 
Dollar  or  Dolour.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
Earl  of  Argyle,  the  owner  of  this  noble  fortress, 
obtained  an  act  of  parliament,  for  changing 
its  name  to  Castle  Campbell.  The  feudal 
hatred  of  Montrose,  and  of  the  clans  composing 
the  strength  of  his  army,  the  vindictive  resent- 
ment also  of  the  Ogilvies,  for  the  destruction  of 
"  the  Bonnie  House  of  Airlie,"  and  that  of  the 
Stirlingshire  cavaliers  for  that  of  Menstrie, 
doomed  this  magnificent  pile  to  flames  and 
ruin.  The  destruction  of  many  a  meaner  habi- 
tation by  the  same  unscrupulous  spirit  of  ven- 
geance has  been  long  forgotten,  but  the  majes- 
tic remains  of  Castle  Campbell  still  excite  a 
sigh  in  those  that  view  them,  over  the  miseries 
of  civil  war. 

After  similar  acts  of  ravage  not  to  be  justified, 
though  not  unprovoked,  Montrose  marched 
westward  along  the  northern  margin  of  the 
Forth,  insulting  Perth,  where  the  army  of  the 
Covenanters  remained  in  their  entrenchments, 
and    even    menacing    the    Castle    of  Stirling, 


BATTLE   OF   KILSYTH.  191 


wliich,  well  garrisoned  and  strongly  situated, 
defied  his  means  of  attack.  About  six  miles 
above  Stirling,  he  crossed  the  Forth,  by  the 
deep  and  precarious  ford  which  the  river  pre- 
sents before  its  junction  with  the  Teith.  Hav- 
ing attained  the  southern  bank,  he  directed  his 
course  westward,  with  the  purpose  of  di?pers- 
ing  the  levies  which  the  western  lords  were 
collecting,  and  doubtless  with  the  view  of  plun- 
dering the  country,  which  had  attached  itself 
chiefly  to  the  Covenant.  Montrose  had,  how- 
ever, scarcely  reached  Kilsyth,  when  he  re- 
ceived the  news  that  Baillie's  army,  departing 
from  Perth,  had  also  crossed  the  Forth,  at  the 
Bridge  of  Stirling,  and  was  close  at  hand. 

With  his  usual  alacrity,  Montrose  prepared 
for  battle,  which  Baillie,  had  he  been  left  to  his 
own  judgment,  would  have  avoided  ;  for  that 
skilful  though  unfortunate  General  knew  by 
experience  the  talents  of  Montrose,  and  that 
the  character  of  his  troops  was  admirably 
qualified  for  a  day  of  combat ;  while  he  also 
considered  that  an  army  so  composed  might  be 
tired  out  by  cautious  operations,  and  expected 
that  the  Highlanders  and  Lowland  Cavaliers 
would  alike  desert  their  leader  in  the  course  of 
a  protracted  and  indecisive  warfare. 

But  Baillie  w^as  no  longer  the  sole  com- 
mander of  the  Covenanting  army.  A  Com- 
mittee of  the  Estates,  consisting  of  Argyle, 
Lanark,  and  Crawford-Lindsay,  had  been 
nominated  to  attend  his  army,  and  control  his 
motions  ;  and  these,  especially  the  Earl  of 
Lindsay,   insisted    that    the  veteran    General 


192  Montrose's  PLAN 

should  risk  the  last  regular  army  which  the 
Covenanters  possessed  in  Scotland,  in  the  perils 
of  a  decisive  battle.  They  marched  against 
Montrose,  accordingly,  at  break  of  day  on  the 
15th  August,  1645. 

When  Montrose  beheld  them  advance,  he 
exclaimed  that  it  was  what  he  had  most  earn- 
estly desired.  He  caused  his  men  to  strip  to 
their  shirts,  in  token  of  their  resolution  to 
fight  to  the  death.  Meantime  the  Covenanters 
approached.  Their  vanguard  attacked  an  ad- 
vanced post  of  Montrose  which  occupied  a 
strong  position  among  cottages  and  enclosures. 
They  were  beaten  off  with  loss.  A  thousand 
Highlanders,  with  their  natural  impetuosity, 
rushed,  without  orders,  to  pursue  the  fugitives, 
and  to  assault  the  troops  who  were  advancing 
to  support  them.  Two  regiments  of  horse, 
against  whom  this  mountain  torrent  directed 
its  fury,  became  disordered  and  fell  back. 

Montrose  saw  the  decisive  moment,  and  or- 
dered his  whole  army  to  attack  the  enemy,  who 
had  not  yet  got  into  line,  their  rearguard  and 
centre  coming  up  too  slowly  to  the  support  of 
their  vanguard.  The  hideous  shout  with  which 
the  Highlanders  charged,  their  wild  appear- 
ance, and  the  extraordinary  speed  with  which 
they  advanced,  nearly  naked,  broadsword  in 
hand,  struck  a  panic  into  their  opponents,  who 
dispersed  without  any  spirited  effort  to  get  into 
line  of  battle,  or  maintain  their  ground.  The 
Covenanters  were  beaten  off  the  field,  and  pur- 
sued with  indiscriminate  slaughter  for  more 
than  ten  miles.     Four  or  five  thousand  men 


TO  marc;-    IXiO    ENGLAXD.  193 

Were  slain  iiiihe  lield  and  in  the  flight;  and 
the  force  of  the  Convention  was  for  the  time 
entirely  broken. 

Montrose  was  now  master,  for  the  moment, 
of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland.  Edinburgh  sur- 
rendered ;  Glasgow  paid  a  heavy  contribution; 
the  noblemen  and  other  individuals  of  distinc- 
tion who  had  been  imprisoned  as  royalists  in 
Edinburgh,  and  elsewhere  throughout  the 
kingdom,  were  set  at  liberty  ;  and  so  many 
persons  of  quality  now  declared  for  Montrose, 
either  from  attachment  to  the  royal  cause, 
which  they  had  hitherto  concealed,  or  from  the 
probability  of  its  being  ultimately  successful, 
that  he  felt  himself  in  force  sufficient  to  call  a 
Parliament  at  Glasgow  in  the  King's  name. 

Still,  however,  the  success  of  this  heroic 
leader  had  only  given  him  possession  of  the 
open  country  ;  all  the  strong  fortresses  were 
still  in  possession  of  the  Covenanters  ;  and  it 
would  have  required  a  length  of  time,  and  the 
services  of  an  army  regularly  disciplined  and 
supplied  with  heavy  artillery,  to  have  reduced 
the  Castles  of  Edinburgh,  Stirling,  Dumbarton, 
and  other  places  of  great  strength.  But  if 
Montrose  had  had  the  forces  necessary  for  such 
a  work,  he  had  neither  leisure  nor  inclination 
to  undertake  it.  From  the  beginning  of  his 
extraordinary,  and  hitherto  successful  career, 
he  had  secretly  entertained  the  dazzling  hope 
of  leading  a  victorious  army  into  England,  and 
replacing  King  Charles  in  possession  of  his 
disputed  authority.  It  was  a  daring  scheme  ; 
yet  if  the  King's  affairs  in  England  had  re- 

VoL.  I  17 


I;)!  MONTR0M-:   AT' 


niained  in  any  tolerable  condition,  especially  if 
there  h;id  been  any  considerable  army  of  Roy- 
alists in  the  north  of  England  to  join  or  co- 
operate with  Montrose,  there  is  no  calculating 
what  the  talents  and  genius  of  such  an  enter- 
prising general  might  have  ultimately  done  in 
support  of  the  Royal  cause. 

But  King  Charles,  as  I  shall  presently  tell 
you  more  particularly,  had  suffered  so  many 
and  such  fatal  losses,  that  it  may  be  justly 
doubted  whether  the  assistance  of  Montrose, 
unless  at  the  head  of  much  larger  forces  than 
he  could  be  expected  to  gather,  would  have  af- 
forded any  material  assistance  against  the  nu- 
merous and  well-disciplined  army  of  the  Par- 
liament. The  result  of  a  contest  which  was 
never  tried  can  only  be  guessed  at.  Mon- 
trose's own  hopes  and  confidence  were  as  lofty 
as  his  ambition  ;  and  he  did  not  permit  him- 
self to  doubt  the  predictions  of  those  who  as- 
sured him,  that  he  was  doomed  to  support  the 
tottering  throne,  and  reinstate  in  safety  the 
falling  monarch. 

Impressed  with  such  proud  convictions,  he 
wrote  to  the  King,  urging  him  to  advance  to 
the  northern  border,  and  form  a  junction  with 
his  victorious  army  ;  and  concluding  his  re- 
quest with  the  words  which  Joab,  the  lieute- 
nant of  King  David,  is  recorded  in  Scripture  to 
have  used  to  the  King  of  Israel,—"  I  have 
fought  against  Rabbah,  and  have  taken  the  city 
of  waters.  Now  therefore  gather  the  rest  of 
the  people  together,  and  encamp  against  the 
city,  and  take  it ;  lest  I  take  the  city,  and  it  be 
called  after  my  name." 


CAPTAIN-GENERAL.  195 

While  Montrose  was  thus  urging  King 
Charles,  by  the  brilliant  prospects  which  he 
held  out,  to  throw  himself  on  his  protection, 
his  own  army  mouldered  away  and  dispersed, 
even  in  a  greater  degree  than  had  been  the  case 
after  his  less  distinguished  success.  The 
Highland  clans  went  home  to  get  in  their  har- 
vest, and  place  their  spoil  in  safety.  It  was 
needless  and  useless  to  refuse  them  leave,  for 
they  were  determined  to  take  it.  The  north- 
country  gentlemen  also,  wearied  of  the  toils  of 
the  campaign,  left  him  in  numbers  ;  so  that 
when  Montrose  received,  by  the  hands  of  Sir 
Robert  Spottiswood,  the  King's  commission 
under  the  Great  Seal,  naming  him  Captain- 
General  and  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Scotland, 
he  commanded  a  force  scarcely  more  effective 
than  when  he  was  wandering  through  Athole 
and  Badenoch.  The  King's  orders,  however, 
and  his  own  indomitable  spirit  of  enterprise, 
determined  his  march  towards  the  Borders. 

About  fifty  years  before,  these  districts 
would  have  supplied  him,  even  upon  the  light- 
ing of  their  beacons,  with  ten  thousand  caval- 
ry, as  fond  of  fighting  and  plunder  as  any 
Highlander  in  his  army.  But  that  period,  as  I 
have  told  you,  had  passed  away.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Borderland  had  become  peaceful, 
and  the  chiefs  and  lords,  whose  influence  might 
still  have  called  them  out  to  arms,  were  hostile 
to  the  Crown,  or,  at  best,  lukewarm  in  its 
cause.  The  Earl  of  Buccleuch,  and  his  friends 
of  the  name  of  Scott,  who  had  never  forgot- 
ten the    oflfence    given    by   the   revocation   of 


19(5  BATTLE  OF  PHILIPHAUGH. 

James's  donations  to  their  chief,  were  violent 
Covenanters,  and  had  sent  a  strong  clan-regi- 
ment with  the  Earl  of  Leven  and  the  Scottish 
auxiliaries.  Traquair,  Roxbiirghe,  and  Hume, 
all  entertained,  or  aflected,  regard  to  the  King, 
but  made  no  effectual  effort  in  raising  men. 
The  once  formidable  name  of  Douglas,  and 
the  exertions  of  the  Earl  of  Annandale,  could 
only  assemble  some  few  troops  of  horse,  whom 
the  historian,  Bishop  Guthrie,  describes  as 
truthless  trained  bands.  Montrose  expected  to 
meet  a  body  of  more  regular  cavalry,  who 
were  to  be  despatched  from  England  ;  but  the 
King's  continued  misfortunes  prevented  him 
from  making  such  a  diversion. 

Meanwhile  the  Scottish  army  in  England  re- 
ceived an  account  of  the  despair  to  which  the 
battle  of  Kilsyth  had  reduced  the  Convention 
of  Estates,  and  learned  that  several  of  its 
most  distinguished  members  were  already  ex- 
iles, having  fled  to  Berwick  and  other  strong 
places  on  the  Border,  which  were  garrisoned 
by  the  Parliamentary  forces.  The  importance 
of  the  crisis  was  felt,  and  David  Lesley  was 
despatched,  at  the  head  of  five  or  six  thousand 
men,  chiefly  cavalry,  and  the  flower  of  the 
Scottish  auxiliary  army,  with  the  charge  of 
checking  the  triumphs  of  Montrose. 

Lesley  crossed  the  Border  at  Berwick,  and 
proceeded  on  his  march,  as  if  it  had  been  his 
view  to  get  between  Montrose  and  the  High- 
lands, and  to  prevent  his  again  receiving  as- 
sistance from  his  faitliful  mountaineers.  But 
that  sagacious   general's  intentions  were  of  a 


BATTLE  OF  PHILIPHAUGH.  1P7 

more  decisive  character ;  for  learning  that 
Montrose,  with  his  little  army,  lay  quartered  in 
profound  security  near  Selkirk,  he  suddenly 
altered  his  march,  left  the  Edinburgh  road 
when  he  came  to  Edgebucklingbrae,  crossed 
the  country  to  Middleton,  and  then  turning 
southward,  descended  the  vale  of  the  Gala  to 
Melrose,  in  which  place,  and  the  adjacent  ham- 
lets, he  quartered  his  army  for  the  night. 

Montrose's  infantry,  meanwhile,  lay  encamp- 
ed on  an  elevated  place,  called  Philiphaugh,  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Ettrick,  while  his  cavalry, 
with  their  distinguished  general  in  person, 
were  quartered  in  the  town  of  Selkirk ;  a  con- 
siderable stream  being  thus  interposed  betwixt 
the  two  parts  of  his  army,  which  should  have 
been  so  stationed  as  to  be  ready  to  support 
each  other  on  a  sudden  alarm.  But  Montrose 
had  no  information  of  the  vicinity  of  Lesley, 
though  the  Covenanters  had  passed  the  night 
within  five  miles  of  his  camp.  This  indicates 
that  he  must  have  been  very  ill  served  by  his 
own  patrols,  and  that  his  cause  must  have  been 
unpopular  in  that  part  of  the  country,  since  a 
single  horseman,  at  the  expense  of  half  an 
hour's  gallop,  might  have  put  him  fully  on  his 
guard. 

On  the  morning  of  the  13th  September,  1645, 
Lesley,  under  cover  of  a  thick  mist,  approach- 
ed Montrose's  camp,  and  had  the  merit,  by  his 
dexterity  and  vigilance,  of  surprising  him  Avhom 
his  enemies  had  never  before  found  unpre- 
pared. The  Covenanting  general  divided  his 
troops  into  two  divisions,  and  attacked  both 
17* 


198  MONTROSE  DEFEATED. 

flanks  of  Uie  enemy  at  the  same  time.  Those 
on  the  left  made  but  a  tmiiultiiary  and  imper- 
fect resistance  ;  the  right  wing,  supported  by  a 
vrood,  fought  in  a  manner  worthy  of  their  ge- 
neral's fame.  Montrose  himself,  roused  by  the 
firing  and  noise  of  the  action,  hastily  assembled 
his  cavalry,  crossed  the  Ettrick,  and  made  a 
desperate  attempt  to  recover  the  victory,  omit- 
ting nothing  which  courage  or  skill  could 
achieve,  to  rally  his  followers.  But  when  at 
length  left  with  only  thirty  horse,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  fly,  and,  retreating  up  the  Yarrow, 
crossed  into  the  vale  of  Tweed,  and  reached 
Peebles,  where  some  of  his  followers  joined 
him. 

The  defeated  army  suffered  severely.  The 
prisoners  taken  by  the  Covenanters  were  mas- 
sacred without  mercy,  and  in  cold  blood.  They 
were  shot  in  the  court-yard  of  Newark  Castle, 
upon  Yarrow,  and  their  bodies  hastily  interred 
at  a  place,  called,  from  that  circumstance,  Slain- 
men's-lec.  The  ground  being,  about  twenty 
years  since,  opened  for  the  foundation  of  a 
school-house,  the  bones  and  skulls,  which  were 
dug  up  in  great  quantity,  plainly  showed  the 
truth  of  the  country  tradition.  Many  cavaliers, 
both  officers  and  others,  men  of  birth  and  cha- 
racter, the  companions  of  Montrose's  many  tri- 
umphs, fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  and 
were,  as  we  shall  afterwards  see,  put  to  an  ig- 
nominious death.  The  prisoners,  both  of  high 
and  low  degree,  would  have  been  more  numer- 
ous, but  for  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Hare- 
head-wood,   into  which  the  fugitives  escaped 


MONTROSE  LEAVES  SCOTLAND.  199 

Such  were  the  immediate  consequences  of  this 
battle  ;  concerning  which,  the  country  people 
often  quote  the  following  lines  : — 

At  Philiphaugh  the  fray  begu'd  ; 

At  Harehead-wood  it  ended. 
The  Scots  out  owre  the  Grahams  they  rode, 

Sae  merrily  they  bended. 

Montrose,  after  this  disastrous  action,  re- 
treated again  into  the  Highlands,  where  he 
once  more  assembled  an  army  of  mountaineers. 
But  his  motions  ceased  to  be  of  the  consequence 
which  they  had  acquired,  before  he  had  expe- 
rienced defeat.  General  Middleton,  a  man  of 
military  talents,  but  a  soldier  of  fortune,  was 
despatched  against  him  by  the  Convention  of 
Estates,  who  were  eager  to  recover  the  same 
power  in  the  Highlands,  in  which  David  Les- 
ley's victory  had  repossessed  them  throughout 
the  Lowlands. 

While  thus  engaged  in  an  obscure  mountain 
warfare,  the  King,  in  total  despair  of  Mon- 
trose's safety,  sent  orders  to  him  to  dissolve 
his  army,  and  to  provide  for  his  personal  secu- 
rity, by  leaving  the  kingdom.  He  would  -not 
obey  the  first  order,  concluding  it  had  been  ex- 
torted from  the  monarch.  To  a  second,  and 
more  peremptory  injunction,  he  yielded  obedi- 
ence, and,  disbanding  his  army,  embarked  in  a 
brig  bound  for  Bergen,  in  Norway,  with  a  few 
adherents,  who  were  too  obnoxious  to  the  Co- 
venanters to  permit  of  their  remaining  in  Scot- 
land. Lest  their  little  vessel  should  be  search- 
ed by  an  English  ship  of  war,  Montrose  wore 


200  MONTROSE  LEAVES  SCOTLAND. 

the  disguise  of  a  domestic,  and  passed  for  the 
servant  of  his  chaplain  and  biographer,  Dr. 
George  Wishart.  You  may  remember  that  he 
wore  a  similar  disguise  on  entering  Scotland, 
in  order  to  commence  his  undertaking. 

This,  and  the  preceding  chapter,  give  an  ac- 
count of  the  brief,  but  brilliant  period  of  Mon- 
trose's success.  A  future  one  will  contain  the 
melancholy  conclusion  of  his  exertions,  and  of 
his  life. 


I 


[     201     ] 


CHAP.  XL 

Interference  of  the  Presbyterian  Clergy  to  pro- 
cure the  execution  of  the  Prisoners  taken  at 
Philiphaugh — Reflections  on  the  unhappy 
effects  of  Religious  Persecution — Respective 
views  of  the  Independents  and  Presbyteri- 
ans— CromwelVs  success — King  Charleses 
surrender  to  the  Scottish  Army — Their  sur- 
render of  him  to  the  English  Parliament. 

I  MUST  now  tell  you  the  fate  of  the  unfortu- 
nate cavaliers  who  had  been  made  prisoners  at 
Philiphaugh.  The  barbarous  treatment  of  the 
common  men  you  are  already  acquainted  with. 

Argyle,  the  leader  of  the  Convention  of  Es- 
tates, had  to  resent  the  devastation  of  his  coun- 
try, and  the  destruction  of  his  castles  ;  and  his 
desire  of  vengeance  was  so  common  to  the  age, 
that  it  would  have  been  accounted  neglect  of 
his  duty  to  his  slain  kinsmen  and  plundered 
clan,  if  he  had  let  slip  the  favourable  opportu- 
nity of  exacting  blood  for  blood.  Other  noble- 
men of  the  Convention  had  similar  motives  ; 
and,  besides,  they  had  all  been  heartily  alarm- 
ed at  Montrose's  success  ;  and  nothing  makes 
men  more  pitiless  tha.n  the  recollection  of  re- 
cent fears. 

It  ought  partly  to  have  assuaged  these  vin- 
dictive feelings,  that  Montrose's  ravages^  al- 
though they  were  sufficiently  Wasting,  were  less 
encouraged  by  the  officers,  than   arising  from 


302  EXECUTION  OF  PRISONERS 

the  uncontrollable  license  of  an  unpaid  soldiery. 
The  prisoners  had  always  been  treated  with 
honour  and  humanity,  and  frequently  dismissed 
on  parole.  So  that,  if  the  fate  of  Montrose's 
companions  had  depended  on  the  Convention 
alone,  it  is  possible,  that  almost  all  might  have 
been  set  at  liberty  upon  moderate  conditions. 
But  unfortunately,  the  Presbyterian  clergy 
thought  proper  to  interfere  strenuously  be- 
tween the  prisoners,  and  the  mercy  which  they 
might  otherwise  have  experienced. 

And  here  it  must  be  owned,  that  the  Presby- 
terian ministers  of  that  period  were  in  some 
respects  a  different  kind  of  men  from  their  pre- 
decessors, in  the  reign  of  James  VI.  Malice 
cannot,  indeed,  accuse  them  of  abusing  the 
power  which  they  had  acquired  since  their  suc- 
cess in  1640,  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  ei- 
ther their  own  individual  revenues,  or  those  of 
the  church ;  nor  had  the  system  of  strict  mora- 
lity, by  which  they  were  distinguished,  been  in 
any  degree  slackened.  They  remained  in  tri- 
umph, as  they  had  been  in  suffering,  honourably 
poor,  and  rigidly  moral. 

But  yet,  though  inaccessible  to  the  tempta- 
tions of  avarice  or  worldly  pleasure,  the  Pres- 
byterian clergy  of  this  period  cannot  be  said  to 
have  been  superior  to  ambition  and  the  desire 
of  power ;  and  as  they  were  naturally  apt  to 
think  that  the  advancement  of  religion  was  best 
secured  by  the  influence  of  the  church,  they 
were  disposed  to  extend  that  influence  by  the 
strictest  exertion  of  domestic  discipline. 

Inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  individual?  wan 


i 


TAKEN   AT   PHILIPHAUGH.  203 


carried  on  by  the  Church-courts  with  indecent 
eagerness  ;  and  faults  or  follies,  much  fitter  for 
private  censure  and  admonition,  were  brought 
forward  in  the  face  of  the  public  congre- 
gation. The  hearers  were  charged  every  Sab- 
bath-day, that  each  individual  should  com- 
municate to  the  Kirk-Session  (a  court  com- 
posed of  the  clergyman  and  certain  selected 
laymen  of  the  parish)  whatever  matter  of  scan- 
dal or  offence  against  religion  and  morality 
should  come  to  their  ears  ;  and  thus  an  inquisi- 
torial power  was  exercised  by  one  half  of  the 
parish  over  the  other.  This  was  well  meant, 
but  had  ill  consequences.  Every  idle  story 
being  made  the  subject  of  anxious  investiga- 
tion, the  private  happiness  of  families  was  dis- 
turbed, and  discord  and  suspicion  were  sown 
where  mutual  confidence  is  most  necessary. 

This  love  of  exercising  authority  in  families, 
was  naturally  connected  with  a  desire  to  main 
tain  the  high  influence  in  the  state,  which  the 
Presbyterian  church  had  acquired  since  the 
downfall  of  prelacy.  The  clergy  had  become 
used  to  consider  their  peculiar  form  of  church 
government,  which  unquestionably  has  many 
excellencies,  as  something  almost  as  essential  as 
religion  itself;  and  it  was  but  one  step  farther, 
to  censure  any  who  manifested  a  design  to  de- 
stroy the  system,  or  limit  the  power,  of  the 
Presbyterian  discipline,  as  an  enemy  to  religion 
of  every  kind,  nay,  even  to  the  Deity  himself. 
Such  opinions  were  particularly  strong  amongst 
those  of  the  clergy  who  attended  the  armies  in 
the  field,    seconded  them  by    encouragement 


204  i<:xEciTTi()N  or  prison  krs 

tVom  the  pulpits,  or  aided  them  by  actually  as- 
suming arms  themselves. 

The  ardom*  of  such  men  grew  naturally  more 
enthusiastic  in  proportion  to  the  opposition 
they  met  with,  and  the  dangers  they  encoun- 
tered. The  sights  and  sentiments  which 
attend  civil  conflict,  are  of  a  kind  to  reconcile 
the  human  heart,  however  generous  and  hu- 
mane by  nature,  to  severe  language  and 
cruel  actions.  Accordingly,  we  cannot  be 
surprised  to  find  that  some  of  the  clergy  forgot 
that  a  malignant^  so  they  called  a  Royalist, 
was  still  a  countryman  and  fellow  Christian, 
born  under  the  same  government,  and  hoping 
to  be  saved  by  the  power  of  the  same  creed, 
with  themselves  ;  or  that  they  directed  against 
such  persons  those  texts  of  Scripture,  in 
which  the  Jews  were,  by  especial  commission, 
commanded  to  extirpate  the  heathen  inhabi 
tants  of  the  Promised  Land. 

One  of  these  preachers  enlarged  on  such  a 
topic  after  Lesley's  victory,  and  chose  his  text 
from  the  15th  chapter  of  1st  Samuel,  where 
the  prophet  rebukes  Saul  for  sparing  the 
King  of  the  Amalekites,  and  for  having  saved 
&ome  part  of  the  flocks  and  herds  of  that  peo- 
ple, which  Heaven  had  devoted  to  utte]>  de- 
struction,— "What  meaneth  this  bleating  of 
sheep  in  mine  ears  ?"  In  his  sermon,  he  said 
that  Heaven  demanded  the  blood  of  the  prison- 
ers taken  at  Philiphaugh,  as  devoted  by  the  Di- 
vine command  to  destruction  ;  nor  could  the 
sins  of  the  people  be  otherwise  atoned  for,  or 
the  wrath  of  Heaven  averted  from  the  land.    It 


tap: EN   AT   PHILIPHArOH.  305 


is  probable,  that  the  preacher  was  himself  sati.-?- 
,  lied  with  the  doctrine  which  he  promulg-ated  ; 
for  it  is  wonderful  how  people's  judgment  is 
blinded  by  their  passions,  and  how  apt  we  are 
to  find  plausible,  and  even  satisfactory  rea- 
sons, for  doing  what  our  interest,  or  that  of  the 
party  we  have  embraced,  strongly  recommends. 

The  Parliament,  consisting  entirely  of  Cove- 
nanters, instigated  by  the  importunity  of  the 
clergy,  condemned  eight  of  the  most  distin- 
guished cavaliers  to  execution.  Four  were  ap- 
pointed to  suffer  at  St.  Andrews,  that  their 
blood  might  be  an  atonement,  as  the  phrase 
went,  for  the  number  of  men  (said  to  exceed 
five  thousand)  whom  the  county  of  Fife  had 
lost  during  Montrose's  wars.  Lord  Ogilvy  was 
the  first  of  these  ;  but  that  young  nobleman 
escaped  from  prison  and  death  in  his  sister's 
clothes.  Colonel  Nathaniel  Gordon,  one  of  the 
bravest  men  and  best  soldiers  in  Europe,  and 
six  other  cavaliers  of  the  first  distinction,  were 
actually  executed. 

We  may  particularly  distinguish  the  fate  of 
Sir  Robert  Spottiswood,  who,  when  the  wars 
broke  out,  was  Lord  President  of  the  Court  of 
Session,  and  acciounted  a  judge  of  great  talent 
and  learning.  He  had  never  borne  arms  ;  but 
the  crime  of  having  brought  to  Montrose  his 
commission  as  Captain-General  of  Scotland, 
was  thought  quite  worthy  of  death,  without  any 
further  act  of  treason  against  the  Estates. 
When  on  the  scaffold,  he  vindicated  his  con- 
duct with  the  dignity  of  a  judge,  and  the  talents 
of  a  lawyer.     He  was  silenced  by  the  Provost 

Vol.  L  18 


206  EXECUTION  OF  PRISONERS 

of  St.  Andrews,  who  had  formerly  been  a  ser- 
vant of  his  father's  when  Prelate  of  that  city. 
The  victim  submitted  to  this  indignity  with 
calmness,  and  betook  himself  to  his  private  de- 
votions. He  was  even  in  this  task  interrupted 
by  the  Presbyterian  minister  in  attendance, 
who  demanded  of  him  whether  he  desired  the 
benefit  of  his  prayers,  and  those  of  the  assem- 
bled people.  Sir  Robert  replied,  that  he  ear- 
nestly demanded  the  prayers  of  the  people,  but 
rejected  those  of  the  speaker  ;  for  that,  in  his 
opinion,  God  had  expressed  his  displeasure 
against  Scotland,  by  sending  a  lying  spirit  into 
the  mouth  of  the  prophets, — a  far  greater  curse, 
he  said,  than  those  of  sword,  fire,  and  pesti- 
lence. An  old  servant  of  his  family  took  care 
of  his  body,  and  buried  him  privately  ;  and  it 
is  said  that  this  faithful  domestic,  passing 
through  the  market-place  a  day  or  two  after- 
wards, and  seeing  the  scaffold  on  which  his' 
master  had  suflfered  still  unremoved,  and 
stained  with  his  blood,  was  so  greatly  affected, 
that  he  sunk  down  in  a  swoon,  and  died  as  they 
were  lifting  him  over  his  own  threshold. 

Such  are  the  terrible  scenes  which  civil  dis- 
cord gives  occasion  to  ;  and,  my  dear  child,  you 
will  judge  very  wrong  if  you  suppose  them  pe- 
culiar to  one  side  or  the  other  of  the  contending 
parties  in  the  present  case.  You  will  learn 
hereafter,  that  the  same  disposition  to  abuse 
power,  which  is  common,  I  fear,  to  all  who 
possess  it  in  an  unlimited  degree,  was  exer- 
cised by  the  Episcopalian  party  over  the  Pres- 
byterians, when  their  hour  of  authority  revived. 


TAKEN  AT  PHILIPHAUGH.  207 

We  must  now  turn  our  thoughts  to  England, 
the  very  stage  on  which  the  most  important 
scenes  were  acting,  to  which  those  in  Scot- 
land can  only  be  termed  very  subordinate. 
And  here  I  may  remark,  that,  greatly  to  the  ho- 
nour of  the  English  nation,  owing,  perhaps,  to 
the  natural  generosity  and  good  humour  of  the 
people,  or  to  the  superior  influence  of  civiliza- 
tion, their  civil  war,  though  contested  with  the 
utmost  fury  in  the  open  field,  was  not  marked 
by  any  thing  approaching  to  the  violent 
atrocities  of  the  Irish,  or  the  fierce  and  ruth- 
less devastation  exercised  by  the  Scottish  com- 
batants. 

The  days  of  deadly  feud  had  been  long  past, 
if  the  English  ever  knew  that  infernal  custom, 
and  the  spirit  of  malice  and  hatred  which  it 
fostered  had  no  existence  in  that  country.  The 
English  parties  contended  manfully  in  battle,  but 
unless  in  the  storming  of  towns,  when  all  evil 
passions  are  afloat,  they  seem  seldom  to  have 
been  guilty  of  cruelty  or  wasteful  ravage. 
They  combated  like  men  who  have  quarrelled 
on  some  special  point,  but,  having  had  no  ill-will 
against  each  other  before,  are  resolved  to  fight 
it  out  fairly,  without  bearing  malice.  On  the 
contrary,  the  cause  of  Prelacy  or  Presbytery, 
King  or  Parliament,  was  often  what  was  least 
in  the  thoughts  of  the  Scottish  barons,  who 
made  such  phrases  indeed  the  pretext  for  the 
war,  but  in  fact  looked  forward  to  indulging,  at 
the  expense  of  some  rival  family,  the  treasured 
vengeance  of  a  hundred  years. 

But  though  the  English  spirit  did  not  intro- 


208  RELIGIOUS    PERSECUTION. 

(luce  into  their  civil  war  the  savage  aspect  of 
the  Scottish  feuds,  they  were  not  free  from  the 
religious  dissensions,  which  formed  another 
curse  of  the  age.  I  have  already  said,  that  the 
party  which  opposed  itself  to  the  King  and  the 
Church  of  England,  was,  with  the  followers  of 
the  Parliament,  and  the  Parliament  itself,  di- 
vided into  two  factions,  that  of  the  Presbyteri- 
ans, and  that  of  the  Independents.  I  have  slso 
generally  mentioned  the  points  on  which  these 
two  parties  differed.  I  must  now  notice  them 
more  particularly. 

The  Presbyterian  establishment,  as  I  have 
often  stated,  differs  from  that  of  the  Church  of 
England,  in  the  same  manner  as  a  republic,  all 
the  members  of  which  are  on  a  footing  of 
equality,  differs  from  a  monarchical  constitu- 
tion. In  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  all  the  ministers 
are  on  an  equality  ;  in  the  Church  of  England, 
there  is  a  gradation  of  ranks,  ascending  from 
the  lowest  order  of  clergymen  to  the  rank  of 
bishop.  But  each  system  is  alike  founded  upon 
the  institution  of  a  body  of  men,  qualified  by 
studies  of  a  peculiar  nature  to  become  preach- 
ers of  the  gospel,  and  obliged  to  show  they 
are  so  qualified,  by  undergoing  trials  and 
examinations  of  their  learning  and  capacity, 
before  they  can  take  holy  orders,  that  is  to  say, 
become  clergymen. 

It  is  also  the  rule  alike  of  Episcopalians  and 
Presbyterians,  that  the  National  Church,  as 
existing  in  its  courts  and  judicatories,  has 
power  to  censure,  suspend  from  their  func- 
tions, and  depose  from  their  clerical  character 


RELIGIOUS    PERSECUTION.  209 

and  clerical  charge,  such  of  its  members  as, 
either  by  immoral  and  wicked  conduct,  or  by 
preaching  and  teaching  doctrines  inconsistent 
with  the  public  creed,  shall  render  themselves 
unfit  to  execute  the  trust  reposed  in  them.  And 
further,  both  these  national  churches  maintain, 
that  such  courts  and  judicatories  have  power 
over  their  hearers,  and  those  who  live  in  com- 
munion with  them,  to  rebuke  transgressors  of 
every  kind,  and  to  admonish  them  to  repent- 
ance ;  and  if  such  admonitions  are  neglected,  to 
expel  them  from  the  congregation  by  the  sen- 
tence of  excommunication. 

Thus  far  most  Christian  churches  agree;  and 
thus  far  the  claims  and  rights  of  a  national 
church  are  highly  favourable  to  the  existence 
of  a  regular  government ;  since  reason,  as  well 
as  the  general  usage  of  the  religious  world, 
sanctions  the  establishment  of  the  clergy  as  a 
body  of  men  separated  from  the  general  class 
of  society,  that  they  may  set  an  example  of 
regularity  of  life  by  the  purity  of  their  morals. 
Thus  set  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  community, 
they  are  supported  at  the  expense  of  the  state, 
in  order  that  the  reverence  due  to  them  may 
not  be  lessened  by  their  being  compelled,  for 
the  sake  of  subsistence,  to  mingle  in  the  ordi- 
nary business  of  life,  and  share  the  cares  and 
solicitudes  incidental  to  those  who  must  labour 
for  their  daily  bread. 

How  far  the  civil  magistrate  can  be  wisely 

intrusted  with  the  power  of  enforcing  spiritual 

censures,  or  seconding  the  efforts  of  the  church 

to  obtain  general  conformity,  bv  inflicting  the 

18» 


210  RELIGIOUS  PERSECUTION. 

penalties  of  fines,  imprisonment,  bodily  punish- 
ment, and  death  itself,  upon  those  who  differ 
in  doctrinal  points  from  the  established  reli- 
gion, is  a  very  different  question. 

It  is  no  doubt  true,  that  wild  sects  have 
sometimes  started  up,  whose  doctrines  have 
involved  direct  danger  to  the  state.  But  such 
offenders  ought  to  be  punished,  not  as  offenders 
against  the  church,  but  as  transgressors  against 
the  laws  of  the  kingdom.  While  their  opinions 
remain  merely  speculative,  they  may  deserve 
expulsion  from  the  national  church,  with  which 
indeed  they  could  consistently  desire  no  com- 
munion. But  while  they  do  not  carry  these 
opinions  into  execution,  by  any  treasonable 
act,  it  does  not  appear  the  province  of  the 
civil  magistrate  to  punish  them  for  opinions 
only.  And  if  the  zeal  of  such  sectaries  should 
drive  them  into  action,  they  deserve  punish- 
ment, not  for  holding  unchristian  doctrines,  but 
for  transgressing  the  civil  laws  of  the  realm. 

This  distinction  was  little  understood  in  the 
days  we  write  of,  and  neither  the  English  nor 
the  Scottish  church  can  be  vindicated  from  the 
charge  of  attempting  to  force  men's  con- 
sciences, by  criminal  persecutions  for  acts  of 
non-conformity,  though  not  accompanied  by 
any  civil  trespass.  % 

Experience  and  increasing  knowledge  have 
taught  the  present  generation,  that  such  se- 
verities have  always  increased  the  evil  they 
were  intended  to  cure ;  and  that  mild  admoni- 
tion, patient  instruction,  and  a  good  example, 
may  gain  many  a  convert  to  the  established 


RELIGIOUS  PERSECUTION  211 

churches,  whom  persecution  and  violence 
would  have  only  confirmed  in  his  peculiar  opi- 
nions. You  have  read  the  fable  of  the  travel- 
ler, who  wrapped  his  cloak  the  faster  about 
him  when  the  storm  blew  loud,  but  threw  it 
aside  in  the  serene  beams  of  the  sunshine.  It 
applies  to  the  subject  I  have  been  speaking  of, 
as  much  as  to  the  advantages  of  gentleness  and 
mild  persuasion  in  social  life. 

I  return  to  the  distinction  between  the  Inde- 
pendents and  Presbyterians  during  the  civil 
wars  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  The  latter,  as 
you  already  know,  stood  strongly  out  for  a 
national  church  and  an  established  clergy,  with 
full  power  to  bind  and  loose,  and  maintained 
by  the  support  of  the  civil  government.  This 
had  been  fully  established  in  Scotland,  and  it 
was  the  ardent  wish  of  its  professors  that  the 
English  should  adopt  the  same  system.  Indeed, 
it  was  in  the  hope  of  attaining  this  grand  object 
that  the  consent  of  the  Scottish  Convention  of 
Estates  was  given,  to  sending  the  auxiliary 
army  to  England ;  and  they  thought  the  ac- 
ceptance of  the  Presbyterian  discipline  in  that 
country  was  secured  by  the  terms  of  the  So- 
lemn League  and  Covenant.  But  the  Inde- 
pendents had,  from  the  beginning,  entertained 
the  secret  resolution  of  opposing  the  establish- 
ment of  a  national  church  of  any  kind  in  England. 

The  opinions  of  these  sectaries  stood  thus  on 
matters  of  church  government.  Everyone,  they 
said,  had  a  right  to  read  the  Scriptures,  and 
draw  such  conclusions  respecting  the  doctrines 
which  are  there  inculcated,  as  his  own  private 


21Q  DISTINCTIONS    BETWEEN 

judgment  should  hold  most  conformable  to 
them.  They  went  farther,  and  said,  that  every 
man  who  felt  himself  called  upon  to  communi- 
cate to  others  the  conclusions  which  he  had  de- 
rived from  reading  the  Bible,  and  meditating  on 
its  contents,  had  a  right,  and  a  call  from  Heaven, 
to  preach  and  teach  the  peculiar  belief  which 
he  had  thus  adopted.  It  was  no  matter  what 
was  the  individual's  condition  in  life,  or  what 
had  been  the  course  of  his  education  ;  he  was 
equally  entitled,  in  their  opinion,  to  act  as  a 
minister,  as  if  he  had  studied  for  twenty  years, 
and  taken  orders  from  a  bishop,  or  from  a  pres- 
bytery. If  he  could  prevail  on  six  persons  to 
admit  his  doctrine,  these  six  persons  made  a 
Christian  congregation  ;  and,  as  far  as  religious 
instruction  was  concerned,  he  became  their 
spiritual  head  and  teacher.  Be  his  hearers 
many  or  few,  they  were  thenceforward  his 
sheep,  and  he  their  spiritual  shepherd. 

But  to  all  the  rest  of  the  world,  except  his 
own  congregation,  the  Independents  held,  that 
every  preacher  remained  an  ordinary  layman, 
having  no  claim  on  the  state  for  revenue  or  sub- 
sistence. If  he  could  persuade  his  congrega- 
tion to  contribute  to  his  support,  he  was  the 
more  fortunate.  If  not,  he  lived  by  his  ordinary 
calling,  of  a  baker,  a  tailor,  or  a  shoemaker, 
and  consoled  himself  that  he  resembled  St. 
Paul,  who  wrought  with  his  hands  for  his 
livelihood. 

Of  the  congregations  or  sects  thus  formed, 
there  were  in  England  hundreds,  perhaps  tbou- 
etinds^  most   of  them    disagreeing  from  each 


INDEPENDENTS    AND    PRESBYTERIANS.   213 

Other  in  doctrine,  and  only  united  by  the  com- 
mon opinion,  that  each  private  Christian  had  a 
right  to  teach  or  to  listen  to  whatever  doctrines 
he  thought  fit ;  that  there  ought  to  exist  no 
church  courts  of  any  kind  ;  that  the  character 
of  a  preacher  was  only  to  be  recognised  by  those 
who  chose  to  be  taught ;  and  that,  in  any  more 
extensive  point  of  view,  there  ought  not  to  ex- 
ist any  body  of  priests  or  clergymen  by  pro- 
fession, any  church  government,  or  church  ju- 
dicatories, or  any  other  mode  of  enforcing  re- 
ligious doctrine,  save  by  teaching  it  from  thfe 
pulpit,  and  admonishing  the  sinner,  or,  if  neces- 
sary, expeUing  him  from  the  congregation 
This  last,  indeed,  could  be  no  great  infliction 
where  there  were  so  many  churches  ready  to 
receive  him,  or  where,  if  he  pleased,  he  might 
set  up  a  church  for  himself. 

The  Sectaries,  as  the  Independents  were 
termed,  entertained,  as  may  be  supposed,  very 
wild  doctrines.  Men  of  an  enthusiastic  spirit, 
and  sometimes  a  crazed  imagination,  as  opinion- 
ative  as  they  were  ignorant,  and  many  of  them 
as  ignorant  as  the  lowest  vulgar,  broached  an 
endless  variety  of  heresies,  some  of  them  scan- 
dalous, some  even  blasphemous  ;  others,  ex- 
cept on  account  of  the  serious  subject  they  re- 
ferred to,  extremely  ludicrous. 

But  the  preachers  and  hearers  of  these 
strange  doctrines  were  not  confined  to  the  vul- 
gar and  ignorant.  Too  much  learning  made 
gome  men  mad.  Sir  Henry  Vane,  one  of  the 
subtlest  politicians  in  England,  and  Milton  one 
of  the   greatest   poets  ever  born,  caught  the 


214  CROMWELL. 


spirit  of  the  times,  and  became  Independents. 
But  above  all,  Oliver  Cromwell,  destined  to  rise 
to  the  supreme  power  in  England,  was  of  that 
form  of  religion. 

This  remarkable  person  was  of  honourable 
descent,  but,  inheriting  a  small  fortune,  had 
practised  at  one  time  the  occupation  of  a  brew- 
er. After  a  course  of  gaiety  and  profligacy 
during  early  youth,  he  caught  a  strong  taint  of 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  times,  and  distinguished 
himself  by  his  aversion  to  Prelacy,  and  his  zea- 
lous opposition  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of 
the  King.  He  became  a  member  of  Parliament, 
but  as  he  spoke  indifferently,  made  no  figure  in 
that  body.  — 

When,  however,  the  Parliament  raised  their 
army,  the  military  talents  of  Cromwell  made 
him  early  distinguished.  It  was  remarked 
that  he  was  uniformly  successful  in  every  con- 
test in  which  he  was  personally  engaged,  and 
that  he  was  the  first  officer  who  could  train  and 
bring  to  the  field  a  body  of  cavalry  capable  of 
meeting  the  shock  of  the  Cavaliers,  notwith- 
standing their  high  birth,  lofty  courage,  and 
chivalrous  bravery. 

His  regiment  of  Ironsides,  as  they  were  call- 
ed, from  the  cuirasses  which  the  men  wore, 
w  ere  carefully  exercised,  and  accustomed  to 
strict  military  discipline,  while  their  courage 
was  exalted  by  the  enthusiasm  which  their 
commander  contrived  to  inspire.  He  preached 
to  them  himself,  prayed  for  them  and  with 
them,  and  attended  with  an  air  of  edification  to 
any  who  chose   to  preach  or    pray  in  return. 


INDEPENDENTS.  21& 


The  attention  of  these  military  fanatics  was  so 
fixed  upon  the  mysteries  of  the  next  world,  that 
death  w^as  no  terror  to  them  ;  and  the  fiery  va- 
lour of  the  Cavaliers  was  encountered  and  re- 
pelled, by  men  who  fought  for  their  own  ideas 
of  religion  as  determinedly  as  their  enemies  did 
for  honour  and  loyalty.  The  spirit  of  the  In- 
dependent sectaries  spread  generally  through 
the  army,  and  the  Parliament  possessed  no 
troops  so  excellent  as  those  who  followed  these 
doctrines. 

The  great  difference  betwixt  the  Presbyterians 
and  Independents  consisted,  as  I  have  told  you, 
in  the  desire  of  the  former  to  establish  their 
form  of  religion  and  church  government  as  na- 
tional, and  compel  a  general  acquiescence  in 
their  articles  of  faith.  For  this,  a  convention 
of  the  most  learned  and  able  divines  was  assem- 
bled at  Westminister,  who  settled  the  religious 
creed  of  the  intended  church  according  to 
the  utmost  rigour  of  the  Presbyterian  creed. 
This  assumption  of  exclusive  power  over  the 
conscience  alarmed  the  Independents,  and 
in  the  dispute  which  ensued,  the  consciousness 
of  their  own  interest  with  the  army  gave  them 
new  courage  and  new  pretensions. 

At  first  the  Independent  sectaries  had  been 
contented  to  let  the  Presbyterians  of  England,  a 
numerous  and  wealthy  body,  take  the  lead  in 
public  measures.  But  as  their  own  numbers 
increased,  and  their  leaders  became  formidable 
from  their  interest  with  the  army,  they  resisted 
the  intention  which  the  Presbyterians  showed 

of  establishing  their  own  faith  in  England  as 


216  SELF-DENYING    ORDINANCE. 

well  as  Scotland.  Sir  Henry  Vane  persuaded 
them  to  temporize  a  little  longer,  since  to  resist 
Presbytery  was  to  disgust  the  Scottish  auxilia- 
ries, enamoured  as  they  were  of  their  national 
system.  "  We  cannot  yet  dispense  with  the 
Scots,"  he  said  ;  "  the  sons  of  Zeruiah  are  still 
too  many  for  us." 

But  the  progress  of  the  war  gradually  dimi- 
nished the  strength  of  the  Presbyterian  party, 
and  increased  that  of  the  Independents.  The 
Earls  of  Essex  and  Manchester,  generals  cho- 
sen from  the  former  party,  had  sustained  many 
looses,  which  were  referred  to  incapacity  ;  and 
they  were  accused  of  having  let  slip  advantages, 
from  which  it  was  supposed  they  had  no  wish 
to  drive  the  King  to  extremity.  People  began 
to  murmur  against  the  various  high  offices  in 
the  army  and  state  being  occupied  by  members 
of  Parliament,  chiefly  Presbyterians  ;  and  the 
protracted  length  of  the  civil  hostilities  was 
imputed  to  the  desire  of  such  persons  to  hold 
in  their  possession  the  authority  which  the  war 
gave  them. 

The  Parliament  felt  that  their  popularity 
was  in  danger  of  being  lost,  and  looked  about 
for  means  of  recovering  it.  While  their  minds 
were  thus  troubled,  Cromwell  suggested  a  very 
artful  proposal.  To  recover  the  confidence  of 
the  nation,  the  Members  of  Parliament,  he  said, 
ought  to  resign  all  situations  of  trust  or  power 
which  they  possessed,  and  confine  themselves 
exclusively  to  the  discharge  of  their  legislative 
duty.  The  Parliament  fell  into  the  snare.  They 
enacted  what  was  called  the  Self-denying  Ordi 


SELF-DENYING  ORDINANCE.  217 

nance  ;  by  which,  in  order  to  show  their  disin- 
terested patriotism,  the  members  laid  down  all 
their  offices,  civil  and  military,  and  rendered 
themselves  incapable  of  resuming  them.  This 
act  of  self-deprivation  proved  in  the  event  a 
death-blow  to  the  power  of  the  Presbyterians  ; 
the  places  which  were  thus  simply  resigned, 
being  instantly  filled  up  by  the  ablest  men  in 
the  Independent  party. 

Two  members  of  Parliament,  however,  were 
allowed  to  retain  command.  The  one  was  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax,  a  Presbyterian,  whose  mili- 
tary talents  had  been  highly  distinguished 
during  the  war,  but  who  was  much  under  the 
influence  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  The  other  was 
Cromwell  himself,  who  had  the  title  of  Lieute- 
nant-General  only,  but  in  fact  enjoyed,  through 
his  influence  over  the  soldiers,  all  the  advan- 
tages of  supreme  command. 

The  success  of  Cromwell  in  this  grand  mea- 
sure led  to  remodelling  the  army  after  his  own 
plan,  in  which  he  took  care  their  numbers 
should  be  recruited,  their  discipline  improved, 
and,  above  all,  their  ranks  filled  up  with  Inde- 
pendents. The  influence  of  these  changes  was 
soon  felt  in  the  progress  of  the  war.  The  troops 
of  the  King  sustained  various  checks,  and  at 
length  a  total  defeat  in  the  battle  of  Naseby, 
from  the  effect  of  which  the  affairs  of  Charles 
could  never  recover. 

Loss  after  loss  succeeded  ;  the  strong  places 
which  the  Royalists  possessed  were  taken  one 
after  another ;  the  King's  cause  was  totally 
ruined.  The  successes  of  Montrose  had  excited 

Vol.  I.  19 


218  SURRENDER  OF  KING  CHARLES 

a  gleam  of  hope,  which  disappeared  after  his 
defeat  at  Philiphaugh.  Finally,  King  Charles 
was  shut  up  in  the  city  of  Oxford,  which  ha'd 
adhered  to  his  cause  with  the  most  devoted  loy- 
alty ;  the  last  army  which  lie  had  in  the  field 
was  destroyed  ;  and  he  had  no  alternative  save 
to  remain  in  Oxford  till  he  should  be  taken  pri- 
soner, to  surrender  himself  to  his  enemies,  or 
to  escape  abroad. 

In  circumstances  so  desperate,  it  was  difficult 
to  make  a  choice.  A  frank  surrender  to  the 
Parliament,  or  an  escape  abroad,  would  have 
perhaps  been  the  most  advisable  conduct.  But 
the  Parliament  and  their  own  independent 
army  were  now  on  the  brink  of  quarrelling. 
The  establishment  of  the  Presbyterian  Church 
was  resolved  upon,  though  only  for  a  time  and 
in  a  limited  form,  and  both  parties  were  alike 
dissatisfied ;  the  zealous  Presbyterians,  be- 
cause it  gave  the  Church  courts  too  little  pow- 
er ;  the  Independents,  because  it  invested  them 
with  any  control  whatever  over  persons  of  a 
different  communion.  Amidst  the  disputes  of 
his  opponents,  the  King  hoped  to  find  his  way 
back  to  the  throne. 

For  this  purpose,  and  to  place  himself  in  a 
situation,  as  he  hoped,  from  whence  to  negotiate 
with  safety,  Charles  determined  to  surrender 
himself  to  that  Scottish  army  which  had  been 
sent  into  England,  under  the  Earl  of  Leven,  as 
auxiliaries  of  the  English  Parliament.  The  King 
concluded  that  he  might  expect  personal  protec- 
tion, if  not  assistance,  from  an  army  composed 
of  his  own  countrymen.     Besides,  the  Scottish 


TO  THE  SCOTTISH  AR.MV.  219 


army  had  lately  been  on  indifferent  terms  with 
the  English.  The  Independent  troops,  who 
now  equalled  or  even  excelled  them  in  discip- 
line, and  were  actuated  by  an  enthusiasm  which 
the  Scots  did  not  possess,  looked  with  an  evil  eye 
on  an  army  composed  of  foreigners  and  Pres- 
byterians. The  English  in  general,  as  soon  as 
their  assistance  was  no  longer  necessary,  began 
to  regard  their  Scottish  brethren  as  an  incum- 
brance ;  and  the  Parliament,  while  they  sup- 
plied the  independent  forces  liberally  with 
money  and  provisions,  neglected  the  Scots  in 
both  these  essentials,  whose  honour  and  inte- 
rest were  affected  in  proportion.  A  perfect 
acquaintance  with  the  discontent  of  the  Scot- 
tish army,  induced  Charles  to  throw  himself 
upon  their  protection  in  his  misfortunes. 

He  left  Oxford  in  disguise,  on  27th  April, 
having  only  two  attendants.  Nine  days  after 
his  departure,  he  surprised  the  old  Earl  of 
Leven  and  the  Scottish  camp,  who  were  then 
forming  the  siege  of  Newark,  by  delivering 
himself  into  their  hands.  The  Scots  received 
the  unfortunate  monarch  with  great  outward 
respect,  but  guarded  his  person  with  vigilance. 
They  immediately  broke  up  the  siege,  and 
marched  with  great  speed  to  the  north,  carrying 
the  person  of  the  King  along  with  them,  and 
observing  the  strictest  discipline  on  their  re- 
treat. When  their  army  arrived  at  Newcastle, 
a  strong  town  Avhich  they  themselves  had  taken, 
and  where  they  had  a  garrison,  they  halted  to 
await  the  progress  of  negotiations  at  this  sin- 
gular crisis. 


220    UNSUCCESSFUL  NEGOTIATIONS  FOR 

Upon  surrendering  himself  to  the  Scottish 
army,  King  Charles  had  despatched  a  message 
to  the  Parliament,  expressing  his  having  done 
so,  desiring  that  they  would  send  him  such  arti- 
cles of  pacification  as  they  should  agree  upon, 
and  offering  to  surrender  Oxford,  Newark,  and 
whatever  other  garrisons  or  strong  places  he 
might  still  possess,  and  order  the  troops  he  had 
on  foot  to  lay  down  their  arms.  The  places 
were  surrendered  accordingly,  honourable 
terms  being  allowed ;  and  the  army  of  Mon- 
trose in  the  Highlands,  and  such  other  forces 
as  the  Royalists  still  maintained  throughout 
England,  were  disbanded,  as  I  have  already 
told  you,  by  the  King's  command. 

The  Parliament  showed  great  moderation, 
and  the  civil  war  seemed  to  be  ended.  The 
articles  of  pacification  which  they  offered  were 
not  more  rigorous  than  the  desperate  condition 
of  the  King  must  have  taught  him  to  expect. 
But  questions  of  religion  interfered  to  prevent 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty. 

In  proportion  as  the  great  majority  of  the 
Parliament  were  attached  to  the  Presbyterian 
forms,  Charles  was  devoted  to  the  system  of 
Episcopacy.  He  deemed  himself  bound  by  his 
coronation  oath  to  support  the  Church  of  En- 
gland, and  he  would  not  purchase  his  own  resto- 
ration to  the  throne  by  consenting  to  its  being 
set  aside.  Here,  therefore,  the  negotiation  be- 
twixt the  King  and  his  Parliament  was  broken 
off;  but  another  was  opened  between  the  En- 
glish Parliament  and  the  Scottish  army,  con 
cerning  the  disposal  of  the  King's  person. 


A  SETTLEMENT  OF  AFFAIRS.  221 

If  Charles  could  have  brought  his  miifid  to 
consent  to  the  acceptance  ofthe  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant,  it  is  probable  that  he  would  have 
gained  all  Scotland  to  his  side.  This,  however, 
would  have  been  granting  to  the  Scots  what  he 
had  refused  to  the  Parliament ;  for  the  support 
of  Presbytery  was  the  essential  object  of  the 
Scottish  invasion.  On  the  other  hand,  it  could 
hardly  be  expected  that  the  Scottish  Conven- 
tion of  Estates  should  resign  the  very  point  on 
which  they  had  begun  and  continued  the  war. 
The  Church  of  Scotland  sent  forth  a  solemn 
warning,  that  all  engagement  with  the  King 
was  unlawful.  The  question,  therefore,  was, 
what  should  be  done  with  the  person  of 
Charles. 

The  generous  course  would  have  been,  to 
have  suffered  the  King  to  leave  the  Scottish 
army  as  freely  as  he  came  there.  In  that  case 
he  might  have  embarked  at  Tynemouth,  and 
found  refuge  in  foreign  countries.  And  even 
if  the  Scots  had  determined  that  the  exigencies 
of  the  times,  and  the  necessity  of  preserving 
the  peace  betwixt  England  and  Scotland,  to- 
gether with  their  engagements  with  the  Parlia- 
ment of  England,  demanded  that  they  should 
surrender  the  person  of  their  King  to  that  body, 
the  honour  of  Scotland  was  intimately  concern- 
ed in  so  conducting  the  transaction,  that  there 
should  be  no  room  for  alleging  that  any  selfish 
advantage  was  stipulated  by  the  Scots  as  a  con- 
sequence of  giving  him  up.  I  am  almost 
ashamed  to  write,  that  this  honourable  consi- 
deration had  no  weight. 
19  * 


222   CHARLES  DELIVERED  TO  THE  ENGLISH. 

The  Scottish  army  had  a  long  arrear  of  pay 
due  to  them  from  the  Enghsh  Parliament, 
which  the  latter  had  refused,  or  at  least  delay- 
ed, to  make  forthcoming.  A  treaty  for  the 
settlement  of  these  arrears  had  been  set  on 
foot ;  and  it  had  been  agreed  that  the  Scottish 
forces  should  retreat  into  their  own  country, 
upon  payment  of  two  hundred  thousand  pounds, 
which  was  one  half  of  the  debt  finally  admit- 
ted. Now,  it  is  true  that  these  two  treaties, 
concerning  the  delivery  of  the  King's  person 
to  England,  and  the  payment  by  Parliament 
of  their  pecuniary  arrears  to  Scotland,  were 
kept  separate,  for  the  sake  of  decency ;  but 
it  is  certain,  that  they  not  only  coincided  in 
point  of  time,  but  bore  upon  and  influenced 
each  other. 

No  man  of  candour  will  pretend  to  believe 
that  the  Parliament  of  England  would  ever 
have  paid  this  considerable  sum,  unless  to  faci- 
litate their  obtaining  possession  of  the  King's 
person ;  and  this  sordid  and  base  transaction, 
though  the  work  exclusively  of  a  mercenary 
army,  stamped  the  whole  nation  of  Scotland 
with  infamy.  In  foreign  countries  they  were 
upbraided  with  the  shame  of  having  made  their 
unfortunate  and  confiding  Sovereign  a  hostage, 
whose  liberty  or  surrender  was  to  depend  on 
their  obtaining  payment  of  a  paltry  sum  of  ar- 
rears ;  and  the  English  nation  reproached 
them  with  their  greed  and  treachery,  in  the 
popular  rhyme, — 

Traitor  Scot 

Sold  hiB  King  for  a  groat. 


CHARLES  DELIVERED  TO  THE  ENGLISH.    223 

The  Scottish  army  surrendered  the  person 
of  Charles  to  the  Commissioners  for  the  En- 
gUsh  Parliament,  on  receiving  security  for  their 
arrears  of  pay,  and  immediately  evacuated 
Newcastle,  and  marched  for  their  own  country. 
I  am  sorry  to  conclude  the  chapter  with  this 
mercenary  and  dishonourable  transaction  ;  but 
the  limits  of  the  work  require  me  to  bring  it 
thus  to  a  close. 


[    324    ] 


CHAP,  xa 

The  King  taken  Prisoner  by  the  EnglishArmy 
and  placed  in  the  Palace  of  Hampton  Court 
— His  escape  to  the  Isle  of  Wighty  and  im- 
prisonment in  Carisbrook  Castle — Treaty 
with  the  Scots,  known  by  the  name  of  The 
Engagement — The  Engagers  enter  En- 
gland with  an  Army,  and  are  defeated — 
High  Court  of  Justice  appointed  to  try  the 
King — the  Trial — Execution  of  Charles  L 

Our  last  chapter  concluded  with  the  disho- 
nourable transaction  by  which  the  Scottish  army- 
surrendered  Charles  I.  into  the  hands  of  the 
Parliament  of  England,  on  receiving  security 
for  a  sum  of  arrears  due  to  them  by  that 
body. 

The  Commissioners  of  Parliament,  thus  pos- 
sessed of  the  King's  person,  conducted  him  as 
a  state  prisoner  to  Holdenby  House,  in  North- 
umberland, which  had  been  assigned  as  his 
temporary  residence  ;  but  from  which  a  power 
different  from  theirs  was  soon  about  to  with- 
draw him. 

The  Independents,  as  I  have  said,  highly  re- 
sented as  a  tyranny  the  establishment  of  Pres- 
bytery, however  temporary,  or  however  miti- 
gated, in  the  form  of  a  national  church  ;  and 
were  no  less  displeased,  tliat  the  army,  whose 
ranks  were  chiefly  filled  with  these  military 
saints,  as  they  called  themselves,  was,  iu  the 


:JkM^ 


POWER  OF  THE  ENGLISH  ARIVIY.  225 

event  of  peace,  which  seemed  close  at  hand, 
threatened  either  to  be  sent  to  Ireland,  or  dis- 
banded. The  discontent  among  the  English 
soldiery  became  general ;  they  saw  that  the  use 
made  of  the  victories,  which  their  valour  had 
chiefly  contributed  to  gain,  would  be  to  reduce 
and  disarm  them,  and  send  out  of  the  kingdom 
such  as  might  be  suffered  to  retain  their  arms 
and  military  character.  And  besides  the  loss 
of  pay,  profession,  and  importance,  the  secta- 
ries had  every  reason  to  apprehend  the  imposi- 
tion of  the  Presbyterian  yoke,  as  they  termed 
the  discipline  of  that  church. 

These  mutinous  dispositions  were  secretly 
encouraged  by  Cromwell,  Ireton,  and  Fleet- 
wood, officers  of  high  rank  and  influence,  to| 
whom  the  Parliament  had  intrusted  the  charge 
of  pacifying  them.  At  length  the  army  assumed 
the  appearance  of  a  separate  body  in  the  state, 
whose  affairs  were  managed  by  a  council  of  su- 
perior officers,  with  assistance  from  a  commit- 
tee of  persons,  called  Agitators,  being  two  pri- 
vates chosen  from  each  company.  These  bold 
and  unscrupulous  men  determined  to  get  pos- 
session of  the  person  of  the  King,  and  to  with- 
draw him  from  the  power  of  the  Parliament. 

In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  Joice,  ori- 
ginally a  tailor,  now  a  cornet,  and  a  furious  ad 
vocate  for  the  cause  of  the  army,  on  the  4th 
June,  1647,  appeared  suddenly  at  midnight  be- 
fore Holdenby  House.  The  troops  employed 
by  the  Commissioners  to  guard  the  King's  per- 
.son,  being  infected,  it  may  be  supposed,  with 
the  general  feeling  of  the  army,  offered  no  re- 


226    THE  KING  TAKEN  PRISONER  BY  THE  ARMY 

sistance.  Joice,  with  little  ceremony,  intruded 
himself,  armed  with  his  pistols,  into  the  King's 
sleeping  apartment,  and  informed  his  Majesty 
that  he  must  please  to  attend  him.  "  Where  is 
your  commission?"  said  the  unfortunate  King. 
"  Yonder  it  is,"  answered  the  rude  soldier, 
pointing  to  his  troop  of  horse,  which,  by  the 
early  dawning,  was  seen  drawn  up  in  the  court 
yard  of  the  palace. — "It  is  written  in  legible 
characters,"  replied  Charles  ;  and  without  fur- 
ther remonstrance,  he  prepared  to  attend  the 
escort. 

The  King  w^as  conducted  to  Newmarket,  and 
from  thence  to  the  palace  of  Hampton  Court ; 
and  though  in  the  hands  of  a  body  which  had 
no  lawful  authority  or  responsible  character, 
he  was  at  first  treated  with  more  respect,  and 
even  kindness,  than  he  had  experienced  either 
from  the  Scottish  army,  or  from  the  English 
Commissioners.  The  officers  distrusted,  per- 
haps, the  security  of  their  own  power,  for  they 
offered  a  pacification  on  easy  terms.  They 
asked  an  equal  national  representation,  freely 
chosen  :  stipulated  that  the  two  Houses  of  Par- 
liament should  enjoy  the  command  of  the  mi- 
litia for  fourteen  years  ;  and  even  agreed  that 
the  order  of  Bishops  should  be  re-established, 
but  without  any  temporal  power  or  coercive 
jurisdiction. 

So  far  the  terms  were  more  moderate  than, 
from  sucli  men  and  in  such  a  moment,  the 
King  could  have  expected.  But  on  one  point 
the  council  of  officers  were  rigidly  determined  ; 
they   insisted,  that   seven  of  the  adherents  of 


AND   PLACED   IN  HAMPTON  COTTRT.  227 


Charles,  chosen  from  those  who  had,  with  wis- 
dom or  with  valour,  best  supported  the  sinking 
cause  of  royalty,  should  be  declared  incapable 
of  pardon.  Charles  was  equally  resolute  in 
resisting-  this  point ;  his  conscience  had  suffer- 
ed too  deeply  upon  the  occasion  of  Strafford's 
execution,  to  which  he  had  yielded  in  the  be- 
ginning of  these  troubles,  to  permit  him  ever 
to  be  tempted  again  to  abandon  a  friend. 

In  the  meantime  the  Parliament  were  pre- 
paring to  exert  their  authority  in  opposing  and 
checking  the  unconstitutional  power  assumed 
by  the  army  ;  and  the  city  of  London,  chiefly 
composed  of  Presbyterians,  showed  a  general 
disposition  to  stand  by  the  Houses  of  Legisla- 
ture. But  when  that  formidable  army  drew 
near  to  London,  both  Parliament  and  citizens 
became  intimidated  ;  and  the  former  expelled 
from  their  seats  the  leading  Presbyterian  mem- 
bers, and  sufl^ered  the  independents  to  dictate 
to  the  dispirited  remainder  what  measures  they 
judged  necessary. 

Prudence  would,  at  this  moment,  have 
strongly  recommended  to  Charles  an  agree- 
ment with  the  army.  But  the  Presbyterians 
of  England  had  not  resigned  hopes  ;  and  the 
whole  kingdom  of  Scotland,  incensed  at  the 
triumph  of  the  Sectaries,  and  the  contumely 
oflfered  to  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant, 
which  had  been  stigmatized,  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  as  an  Almanack  out  of  date,  their 
Commissioners  made,  in  private,  liberal  offers 
to  restore  the  King  by  force  of  arras.  In  listen- 
ing to  these  proposals,   Charles  flattered  him- 


228  DISPOSITION  OF  THE  DIFFERENT 

self  that  he  should  be  able  to  hold  the  balance 
betwixt  the  Presbyterians  and  Independents  ; 
but  he  mistook  the  spirit  of  the  latter  party, 
from  whom  this  private  negotiation  did  not 
long  remain  a  secret,  and  who  were  highly  in- 
censed by  the  discovery. 

The  Presbyterians  had  undertaken  the  war 
with  professions  of  profound  respect  towards 
the  King's  person  and  dignity.  They  had  al- 
ways protested  that  they  made  war  against  the 
evil  counsellors  of  the  King,  but  not  against 
his  person  ;  and  their  ordinances,  while  they 
were  directed  against  the  Malignants,  as  they 
termed  the  Royalists,  ran  in  the  King's  own 
name,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament,  by  whose  sole  authority  they  were 
sent  forth.  The  Independents,  on  the  contra- 
ry, boldly  declared  themselves  at  war  with  the 
Man  Charles,  as  the  abuser  of  the  regal  pow- 
er, and  the  oppressor  of  the  saints.  Cromwell 
himself  avouched  such  doctrines  in  open  Par- 
liament. He  said  it  was  childish  to  talk  of 
there  being  no  war  with  the  King's  person, 
when  Charles  appeared  in  armour,  and  at  the 
head  of  his  troops  in  open  battle  ;  and  that  he 
himself  was  so  far  from  feeling  any  scruple  on 
the  subject,  that  he  would  fire  his  pistol  at  the 
King  as  readily  as  at  any  of  his  adherents, 
should  he  meet  him  in  the  fight. 

After  the  discovery  of  the  King's  treaty  with 
the  Scottish  Commissioners,  Cromwell  admit- 
ting Charles's  powers  of  understanding  and 
reasoning,  denounced  him  as  a  man  of  the 
deepest  dissimulation,   who  had  broken   faith, 


PARTIES  TOWARDS  THE   KING.  229 

by  professing  an  entire  reliance  on  the  wisdom 
of  the  Parliament,  while,  by  a  separate  negoti- 
ation with  the  Scottish  Commissioners,  he  was 
endeavouring  to  rekindle  the  flames  of  civil 
war  between  the  sister  kingdoms.  He  re- 
quired, and  by  the  now  irresistible  interest  of 
the  Independents  he  obtained,  a  declaration 
from  the  House,  that  the  Parliament  would  re- 
ceive no  further  applications  from  Charles,  and 
make  no  addresses  to  him  in  future. 

The  unfortunate  King,  ^vhiic  in  the  power 
of  this  uncompromising  faction,  by  whom  his 
authority  seemed  to  be  suspended,  if  not  abo- 
lished, ought  to  have  been  aware,  that  if  he 
w^as  to  succeed  in  any  accommodation  with 
them  at  all,  it  could  only  be  by  accepting, 
without  delay  or  hesitation,  such  terms  as  they 
were  disposed  to  allow  him.  If  he  could  have 
succeeded  in  gratifying  their  principal  ofllicers 
by  promises  of  wealth,  rank,  and  distinction, 
which  were  liberally  tendered  to  them,  it  was 
probable  that  their  influence  might  have  in- 
duced their  followers  to  acquiesce  in  his  resto- 
ration, especially  if  it  afibrded  the  means  of 
disconcerting  the  plans  of  the  Presbyterians. 
But  Charles  ought,  at  the  same  time,  to  have 
reflected,  that  any  appearance  of  procrastina- 
tion on  his  part,  must  give  rise  to  suspicions 
of  his  sincerity  ;  and  that  the  Independents, 
having  once  adopted  an  idea  that  he  was  tri- 
fling with,  or  deceiving  them,  had  none  of  that 
sanctimonious  respect  for  his  title,  or  person, 
that  could  prevent  his  experiencing  the  utmost 
rigour. 

Vol.  I.  20 


230  CHARLES  !b  IMP'UieONMENT  IN 

The  Independents  and  their  military  coun- 
cil, accordingly,  distrusting-  the  sincerity  of 
Charles,  and  feeling  every  day  the  increase  of 
their  power,  began  to  think  of  establishing  it 
on  an  entirely  ditlerent  basis  from  that  of  mo- 
narchy. They  withdrew  from  the  King  the 
solemn  marks  of  respect  with  which  he  had 
been  hitherto  indulged,  treated  him  with  ne- 
glect and  incivility,  confined  his  person  more 
closely,  and  permitted  none  to  have  access  to 
him,  but  such  as  had  their  confidence. 

Alarmed  at  these  ominous  severities,  Charles 
now  resolved  to  escape  by  flight,  and  left 
Hampton  Court  accordingly.  Unhappily,  ei- 
ther misled  by  his  attendant  or  by  his  own 
indiscretion,  he  took  refuge  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  where  the  governor  of  Carisbrook 
Castle  was  the  friend  of  Cromwell,  and  a  fierce 
Independent.  Here  the  unfortunate  monarch 
only  fell  into  a  captivity  more  solitary,  more 
severe,  and  more  comfortless,  than  any  which 
he  had  yet  experienced.  He  himself  j)ointed  out 
to  Sir  Philip  Warwick  an  old  greyheaded  do- 
mestic who  brought  in  wood  to  the  lire,  and 
observed,  that  the  conversation  of  that  menial 
was  the  best  that  he  had  been  suffered  to 
enjoy  for  months.  There  is  even  reason  to 
think  his  life  was  aimed  at,  and  that  he  was 
encouraged  to  make  an  effort  to  escape  from  a 
window  in  the  castle,  while  a  person  was  placed 
in  readiness  to  shoot  him  as  he  was  engaged  in 
the  attempt. 

The  council  of  war  renounced  all  further 
communication  with  Charles  ;  the  Parliament, 


CARISEROOK  CASTLE.  231 

now  under  the  Independent  influence,  sent 
down  Commissioners  to  treat,  but  with  preli- 
minary conditions  harder  than  any  yet  ofiered 
to  him.  Two  resources  remained  to  him — the 
services  of  the  disbanded  loyaUsts,  whom  his 
faithful  adherents  might  again  summon  to 
arms — but  they  were  dispersed,  disarmed,  and 
heart-broken  ;  or  the  assistance  of  the  Scots — 
but  they  were  distant  and  disunited.  Yet 
Charles  resolved  to  try  his  fortunes  on  this 
perilous  cast,  rather  than  treat  with  the  Par- 
liament, influenced  as  it  was  by  the  army. 

The  presence  of  two  Scottish  Commission- 
ers, who  had  accompanied  those  of  the  Parlia- 
ment to  Carisbrook,  enabled  Charles  to  execute 
a  secret  treaty  with  them,  by  which  he  agreed 
to  confirm  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant, 
establish  Presbytery,  at  least  for  a  season,  and 
concur  in  the  extirpation  of  the  Sectaries. 
These  articles,  if  they  had  been  granted  while 
Charles  was  at  Newcastle,  would  have  been 
sufficient  to  have  prevented  the  surrender  of  his 
person  by  the  Scottish  army ;  but  it  was  the 
King's  unfortunate  lot,- on  this,  as  on  all  former 
occasions,  to  delay  his  concessions  until  they 
came  too  late. 

When  this  treaty  (v/hicli  was  called  the  En- 
gagement, because  the  Commissioners  engaged 
to  restore  the  King  by  force  of  arm.s)  was 
presented  to  the  Scottish  Parliament,  it  was 
approved  by  the  more  moderate  part  of  the 
Presbyterians,  wlio  were  led  by  the  Duke  of 
Hamilton,  together  with  his  brother  the  Earl 
of  Lanark,  the  Lord  Chancellor  Loudon,  and 


232  THE  ENGAGEMENT. 

the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  ;  this  last  being  destined 
to  make  a  remarkable  figure  in  the  next  reign. 
But  the  majority  of  the  Presbyterian  clergy, 
headed  by  the  more  zealous  among  their  hear- 
ers, declared  that  the  concessions  of  the  King 
were  totally  insufficient  to  engage  Scotland  in 
a  new  war,  as  affording  no  adequate  cause  for 
a  quarrel  with  England.  This  party  was  headed 
by  the  Marquis  of  Argyle. 

I  may  here  mention  respecting  this  noble- 
man, that  after  Montrose's  army  was  disbanded, 
he  had  taken  severe  vengeance  on  the  MacDo- 
nalds,  and  other  clans  who  had  assisted  in  the 
desolation  of  Argyleshire.  Having  the  aid 
of  David  Lesley,  with  a  body  of  regular  troops, 
he  reduced  successively  some  forts  into  which 
Alaster  Macdonald  (Colkitto)  had  thrown  gar- 
risons, and  uniformly  put  the  prisoners  to  the 
sword.  The  MacDougals  were  almost  exter- 
minated in  one  indiscriminate  slaughter,  and 
the  Lamonts  were  put  to  death  in  another  act 
of  massacre.  Sir  James  Turner,  an  officer 
who  served  under  Lesley,  lays  the  blame  of 
these  inhumanities  on  a  hard-hearted  clergy- 
man called  Neaves.  David  Lesley  was  dis- 
gusted at  it,  and  when,  after  some  such  sangui- 
nary execution,  he  saw  his  chaplain  with  his 
shoes  stained  with  blood,  he  asked  him  re- 
proachfully, "  Have  you  enough  of  it  now, 
Master  .fohn?" 

These  atrocities,  by  whomsoever  committed, 
must  have  been  perpetrated  in  revenge  of  the 
sufferings  of  Argyle  and  his  clan  ;  and  to  these 
must  be  added  the  death  of  old  Colkitto,  who, 


CRUELTIES  OF  ARGYLE.  233 


taken  in  one  of  these  Highland  forts,  was  tried 
by  a  jury  convened  by  authority  of  George 
Campbell,  the  Sheriff  Substitute  of  Argyle, 
from  whose  sentence  we  are  told  very  few- 
escaped,  and  was  executed  of  course. 

All  these  grounds  of  offence  having  been 
given  to  the  Royalists,  in  a  corner  of  the  coun- 
try where  revenge  was  considered  as  a  duty 
and  a  virtue,  it  is  not  extraordinary  that  Argyle 
should  have  objected  most  earnestly  to  the 
Engagement,  which  was  an  enterprise  in  which 
the  King's  interest  was  to  be  defended,  with 
more  slender  precautions  against  the  Malig- 
nants,  than  seemed  consistent  with  the  safety 
of  those  who  had  been  most  violent  against 
them.  Many  of  the  best  officers  of  the  late 
army  declined  to  serve  with  the  new  levies, 
until  the  Church  should  approve  the  cause  of 
quarrel.  The  Parliament,  however,  moved 
by  compassion  for  their  native  monarch,  and 
willing  to  obliterate  the  disgrace  which  at- 
tached to  the  surrender  of  the  King  at  New- 
castle, appointed  an  army  to  be  levied.  The 
kingdom  was  thus  thrown  into  the  utmost 
confusion  between  the  various  factions  of  the 
Engagers  and  their  opponents.  The  civil  ma- 
gistrates, obeying  the  commands  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, ordered  the  subjects  to  assume  arms 
under  pain  of  temporal  punighrnent ;  while  the 
clergy,  from  the  pulpit,  denounced  tiie  ven- 
geance of  Heaven  against  those  who  obeyed 

he  summons. 
The  Engagers  prevailed  so  far  as  to  raise  a 

«miultiiarv  and  ill-disciplined  armv  of  about 
20* 


234    THE  ENGAGERS  ENTER  ENGLAND, 

fifteen  thousand  men,  which  was  commanded 
by  the  Duke  of  Hamilton.  This  ill-fated  no- 
bleman deserved  the  praise  of  being  a  moderate 
man  during  all  the  previous  struggles ;  and, 
though  loving  his  King,  had  always  endea- 
voured to  reconcile  his  administration  with  the 
rights,  and  even  the  prejudices,  of  his  country- 
men. But  he  had  little  decision  of  character, 
and  less  military  skill.  While  the  Scots  were 
preparing  their  succours  slowly,  and  with  hesi- 
tation, the  English  cavaliers,  impatient  at  the 
danger  and  captivity  of  the  King,  took  arms. 
But  their  insurrections  were  so  ill  connected 
with  each  other,  that  they  were  crushed  suc- 
cessively, save  in  two  cases,  where  the  insur- 
gents made  themselves  masters  of  Colchester 
and  Pembroke,  in  which  towns  they  were  in- 
stantly besieged. 

Hamilton  ought  to  have  advanced  with  all 
speed  to  raise  the  siege  of  these  places ;  but 
instead  of  this,  he  loitered  away  more  than 
forty  days  in  Lancashire,  until  Cromwell  came 
upon  him  near  Warrington,  where  head  and 
heart  seem  alike  to  have  failed  him.  Without 
even  an  attempt  at  resistance,  he  abandoned 
his  enterprise,  and  made  a  disorderly  retreat, 
leaving  his  artillery  and  baggage.  Baillie,  with 
the  infantry,  being  deserted  by  his  General, 
surrendered  to  the  enemy  at  Uttoxeter;  and 
Hamilton  himself,  with  the  cavalry,  took  the 
same  deplorable  course.  None  escaped  save 
a  resolute  body  of  men  under  the  Earl  of  Ca- 
lender, who  broke  through  the  enemy,  and 
forced  their  way  back  to  their  own  country. 


AND  ARE  DEFEATED.  235 

The  news  of  this  disaster  flew  to  Scotland. 
The  refractory  clergy  took  the  merit  of  having 
prophesied  the  downfall  of  the  Engagers,  and 
stirred  up  the  more  zealous  Presbyterians  to 
take  possession  of  the  government.  Argyle 
drew  to  arms  in  the  Highlands,  whilst  the 
western  peasantry  assembling,  and  headed  by 
their  divines,  repaired  to  Edinburgh.  This  in- 
surrection was  called  the  Whigamores'  Raid, 
from  the  word,  whig,  whig,  that  is,  get  on,  get 
on,  which  is  used  by  the  western  peasants  in 
driving  their  horses, — a  name  destined  to 
become  the  distinction  of  a  powerful  party  in 
British  history. 

The  Earl  of  Lanark  was  at  the  head  of  some 
troops  on  the  side  of  the  Engagement,  but, 
afraid  of  provoking  the  English,  in  whose  hands 
his  brother  Hamilton  was  a  prisoner,  he  made 
no  material  opposition.  Argyle  became  once 
more  the  head  of  the  government.  It  was 
owing  to  this  revolution  that  Cromwell  ad- 
vanced to  the  Borders,  and,  instead  of  finding 
any  enemies  to  fight  with,  was  received  by  the 
victorious  Whigamores  as  a  friend  and  brother. 
Their  horror  at  an  army  of  Sectaries  had  been 
entirely  overpowered  by  their  far  more  violent 
repugnance  to  unite  with  Cavaliers  and  Malig- 
nants.  Cromwell,  on  that  occasion,  held  much 
intimate  correspondence  with  Argyle ;  which 
made  it  generally  believed  that  the  Marquis 
acquiesced  in  the  violent  measures  which  were 
to  be  adopted  by  the  successful  General  against 
the  captive  King,  whose  fate  was  now  decided 
upon. 


236       THE  king's  death  resolved  on. 

During  these  military*  transactions,  Charles 
had  been  engaged  in  a  new  treaty  with  the  Par- 
liament, which  was  conducted  at  Newport.  It 
was  set  on  foot  in  consequence  of  Cromwell's 
absence  with  his  army,  which  restored  the  Par- 
liament to  some  freedom  of  debate,  and  the 
Presbyterian  members  to  a  portion  of  their 
influence.  If  any  thing  could  have  saved  that 
unfortunate  Prince,  it  might  have  been  by  ac- 
complisliing  an  agreement  with  the  House  of 
Commons,  while  Hamilton's  army  was  yet 
entire,  and  before  the  insurrections  of  the 
Royalists  had  been  entirely  suppressed.  But 
he  delayed  closing  the  treaty  until  the  army 
returned,  flushed  with  victory  over  the  English 
Cavaliers  and  Scottish  Engagers,  and  de- 
nouncing vengeance  on  the  head  of  the  King, 
whom  they  accused  of  being  the  sole  author  of 
the  civil  war,  and  liable  to  punishment  as  such. 
This  became  the  language  of  the  whole  party. 
The  pulpits  rung  with  the  exhortations  of  the 
military  preachers,  demanding  that  the  King 
should  be  given  over,  as  a  public  enemy,  to  a 
public  trial. 

It  was  in  vain  that  Charles  had  at  length, 
with  lingering  reluctance,  yielded  every  re- 
quest which  the  Parliament  could  demand  of 
him.  It  was  equally  in  vain  that  the  Parlia- 
ment had  publicly  declared  that  the  concessions 
made  by  the  King  were  sufficient  to  form  the 
basis  of  a  satisfactory  peace.  The  army,  stirred 
up  by  their  ambitious  officers  and  fanatic 
preachers,  were  resolved  that  Charles  should 
be  put  to  an  open  and  ignominious  death  ;  and 


THE  HIGH   COURT  OF  JUSTICE.  237 


a  sufficient  force  of  soldiery  was  stationed  in 
and  around  London  to  make  resistance  impossi- 
ble, either  on  the  part  of  the  Presbyterians  or 
the  Royalists. 

In  order  to  secure  a  majority  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  Colonel  Pride,  a  man  who  had 
been  a  brewer,  drew  up  his  regiment  at  the 
doors  of  the  House  of  Parliament,  and  in  the 
streets  adjacent,  and  secured  the  persons  of 
upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  members, 
who,  being  supposed  favourable  to  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  King,  were  arrested  and  thrown 
into  prison.  This  act  of  violence  was  called 
Pride's  Purge.  At  the  same  time,  the  House 
of  Lords  was  shut  up.  The  remainder  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  who  alone  were  peiTnitted 
to  sit  and  vote,  were  all  of  the  Independent 
party,  and  ready  to  do  whatever  should  be 
required  by  the  soldiers. 

This  remnant  of  a  Parliament,  under  the 
influence  of  the  swords  of  their  own  soldiers, 
proceeded  to  nominate  what  was  called  a  High 
Court  of  Justice  for  the  trial  of  King  Charles, 
charged  with  treason,  as  they  termed  it,  against 
the  people  of  England.  The  Court  consisted 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty  persons,  chosen  from 
the  army,  the  Parliament,  and  from  such  of  the 
citizens  of  London  as  were  affected  to  the  pro- 
posed change  of  government.  Many  of  the 
judges  so  nominated  refused,  notwithstanding, 
to  act  upon  such  a  commission.  Meantime, 
the  great  body  of  the  English  people  beheld 
these  strange  preparations  with  grief  and  ter- 
ror.  The  Scots,  broken  by  the  defeat  of  Hamil- 


238  CHARACTER  OF  THE 

■'  J  rm 

ton  and  the  success  of  the  Whigamores'  Raid) 
had  no  means  of  giving  assistance. 

Those  who  drove  this  procedure  forward 
were  of  different  classes,  urged  by  different 
motives. 

The  higher  officers  of  the  army,  Cromwell, 
Ireton,  and  others,  seeing  they  could  not  rise 
by  means  of  a  treaty  with  Charles,  had  resolved 
to  dethrone  and  put  him  to  death,  in  order  to 
establish  a  military  government  in  their  own 
persons.  These  men  had  a  distinct  aim,  and  they 
in  some  degree  attained  it.  There  were  others 
among  the  Independent  party,  who  thought 
they  had  offended  the  King  so  far  beyond  for- 
giveness, that  his  deposition  and  death  were 
necessary  for  their  own  safety.  But  there 
were  also  among  the  Independent  members  of 
Parliament  men  of  a  nobler  character. 

There  were  statesmen  who  had  bewildered 
themselves  with  meditating  upon  theoretical 
schemes,  till  they  had  fancied  the  possibility 
of  erecting  a  system  of  republican  government 
on  the  foundation  of  the  ancient  monarchy  of 
England.  Such  men,  imposed  on  by  a  splendid 
dream  of  unattainable  freedom,  imagined  that 
the  violence  put  upon  the  Parliament  by  the 
soldiery,  and  the  death  of  the  King,  when  it 
should  take  place,  were  but  necessary  steps  to 
the  establishment  of  this  visionary  fabric,  like 
the  pulling  down  of  an  old  edifice  to  make  room 
for  a  new  building. 

After  this  fimciful  class  of  politicians,  came 
enthusiasts  of  another  and  coarser  description, 
influenced    by  the   wild    harangues   of    their 


ENGLIr^II   REVOLUTIONISTS.  239 


crack-brained  preachers,  who  saw  in  Charles 
not  only  the  head  of  the  enemies  with  whom 
they  had  been  contending  for  four  years  with 
various  fortune,  but  also  a  wicked  King  of 
Amalekites,  delivered  up  to  them  to  be  hewn 
in  pieces  in  the  name  of  Heaven.  Such  were 
the  various  motives  which  urged  the  actors  in 
this  extraordinary  scene. 

The  pretext  by  which  they  coloured  these 
proceedings  was,  that  the  King  had  levied  war 
against  his  people,  to  extend  over  them  an  un- 
lawful authority.  If  this  had  been  true  in  point 
of  fact,  it  was  no  ground  of  charge  in  point  of 
law  ;  for  the  constitution  of  England  declares 
that  the  King  can  do  no  wrong,  that  it<,  cannot 
be  made  responsible  for  any  wrong  which  he 
does.  The  vengeance  of  the  laws,  Avhen  such 
wrong  is  committed,  is  most  justly  directed 
against  those  wicked  ministers  by  whom  the 
culpable  measure  is  contrived,  and  the  agents 
by  w^hom  it  is  executed.  The  constitution  of 
England  wisely  rests  on  the  principle,  that  if 
the  counsellors  and  instruments  of  a  prince's 
pleasure  are  kept  under  wholesome  terror  of 
the  laws,  there  is  no  risk  of  the  monarch,  in  his 
own  unassisted  person,  transgressing  the  limits 
of  his  authority. 

But  in  fact  the  King  had  not  taken  arms 
against  the  Parliament  to  gain  any  neio  and  ex- 
traordinary extent  of  power.  It  is  no  doubt 
true,  that  the  Parliament,  when  summoned  to- 
gether, had  many  just  grievances  to  complain  of; 
but  these  were  not,  in  general,  innovations  of 
Charles,  but  such  exertions  of  po^ver  as  had 


240  THE  king's  ARRAIGNMEiCT. 

been  customary  in  the  four  last  reigns,  when 
the  crown  of  England  had  been  freed  from  the 
restraint  of  the  Barons,  without  being  suffi- 
ciently subjected  to  the  control  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  representing  the  people  at  large. 
They  were,  however,  very  bad  precedents ; 
and,  since  the  King  had  shown  a  desire  to  fol- 
low them,  the  Parliament  were  most  justly 
called  upon  to  resist  the  repetition  of  old  en- 
croachments upon  their  liberty. 

But  before  the  war  broke  out,  the  King  had 
relinquished  in  favour  of  the  Commons  all  they 
had  demanded.  The  ultimate  cause  of  quarrel 
was,  which  party  should  have  the  command  of 
the  militia  or  public  force  of  the  kingdom. 
This  Avas.a  constitutional  part  of  the  King's 
prerogative  ;  for  the  executive  power  cannot 
be  sai4  to  exist  unless  united  with  the  power  of 
the  sword.  Violence  on  each  side  heightened 
the  general  want  of  confidence.  The  Parlia- 
ment, as  has  been  before  stated,  garrisoned, 
and  held  out  the  town  of  Hull  ngainst  Charles  ; 
and  the  King  infringed  the  privileges  of  the 
Commons,  by  coming  with  an  armed  train  to 
arrest  five  of  their  members  during  the  sitting 
of  Parliament.  So  that  the  war  must  be  justly 
imputed  to  a  train  of  long-protracted  quarrels, 
in  which  neither  party  could  be  termed  wholly 
right,  and  still  less  entirely  wrong,  but  which 
created  so  much  jealousy  on  both  sides  as  could 
scarcely  terminate  otherwise  than  in  civil 
war. 

The  High  Court  of  Justice,  nevertheless, 
was  opened,  and  the  King  was  brought   to  the 


TRIAL  OF  CHARLES  I.  241 

bar  on  19th  January,  1649.  The  soldiers,  who 
crowded  tlie  avenues,  were  taught  to  cry  out  for 
justice  upon  the  royal  prisoner.  When  a  by- 
stander, aftected  by  the  contrast  betwixt  the 
King's  present  and  former  condition,  could  not 
refrain  from  saying  aloud,  "  God  save  your 
Majesty,"  he  was  struck  and  beaten  by  the 
guards  around  him — "  A  rude  chastisement," 
said  the  King,  "  for  so  slight  an  offence." 
Charles  behaved  throughout  the  wliole  of  the 
trying  scene  with  the  utmost  dignity.  He  bore, 
without  complaining,  the  reproaches  of  mur- 
derer and  tyrant,  which  were  showered  on  him 
by  the  riotous  soldiery  ;  and  when  a  ruffian 
spit  in  his  face,  the  captive  monarch  wiped  it 
off  with  his  handkerchief,  and  only  said,  "Poor 
creatures  !  for  half  a  crown  they  would  do  the 
same  to  their  father." 

When  the  deed  of  accusation,  stated  to  he 
in  the  name  of  the  people  of  England,  was  read, 
a  voice  from  one  of  the  galleries  exclaimed, 
"Not  the  tenth  part  of  them?"  Again,  as  the 
names  of  the  judges  were  called  over,  when 
that  of  General  Fairfax  occurred,  the  same 
voice  replied,  "  He  has  more  sense  than  to  be 
here."  Upon  the  officer  who  commanded  the 
guard  ordering  the  musketeers  to  fire  into  the 
gallery  from  which  the  interruption  came,  the 
speaker  was  discovered  to  be  Lady  Fairfax, 
wife  of  Sir  Thomas,  the  General  of  the  forces, 
and  a  daughter  of  the  noble  house  Vere,  who  in 
this  manner  declared  her  resentment  at  the  ex- 
traordinary scene. 

The  King,  when  placed  at  the  bar,  looked 
Vol.  I.  21 


242  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I. 


around  on  the  awful  preparations  for  trial,  on 
the  bench,  crowded  with  avowed  enemies,  and 
displaying  what  was  still  more  painful,  the 
faces  of  one  or  two  ungrateful  friends,  without 
losing  his  steady  composure.  When  the  public 
accuser  began  to  speak,  he  touched  him  with 
his  staff,  and  sternly  admonished  him  to  for- 
bear. He  afterwards  displayed  both  talent  and 
boldness  in  his  own  defence.  He  disowned 
the  authority  of  the  novel  and  incompetent 
court  before  which  he  was  placed  ;  reminded 
those  who  sat  as  his  judges,  that  he  was  their 
lawful  King,  answerable  indeed  to  God  for  the 
use  of  his  power,  but  declared  by  the  constitu- 
tion incapable  of  doing  wrong.  Even  if  the 
authority  of  the  people  were  sufficient  to  place 
him  before  the  bar,  he  denied  that  it  had  been 
obtained.  The  act  of  violence,  he  justly  stated, 
was  the  deed  of  a  few  daring  men,  who  had 
violated,  by  military  force,  the  freedom  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  altogether  destroyed 
the  House  of  Peers.  He  declared  that  he 
spoke  not  for  himself,  but  for  the  sake  of  the 
laws  and  liberties  of  England. 

Though  repeatedly  interrupted  by  Bradshaw, 
a  lawyer,  president  of  the  pretended  High 
Court  of  Justice,  Charles  pronounced  his  de- 
fence in  a  manly,  yet  temperate  manner.  Being 
then  three  times  called  on  to  answer  to  the 
charge,  he  as  often  declined  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Court.  Sentence  of  death  was  then  pro- 
nounced, to  be  executed  in  front  of  the  royal 
palace,  lately  his  own. 

On  the  30th  January,  1649    Charles  I.  was 


EXECUTION  Oi    CHARLES  I.  243 

brought  forth  through  one  of  the  windows  in 
front  of  the  Banqueting  House  at  Whitehall, 
upon  a  large  scaffold  hung  witli  black,  and 
closely  surrounded  with  guards.  Two  exe- 
cutioners in  masks  attended,  (one  wearing  a 
long  grey  beard,)  beside  a  block  and  cushion. 
Juxon,  a  bishop  of  the  Church  of  England, 
assisted  the  King's  devotions.  As  Charles  laid 
his  head  on  the  block,  he  addressed  to  the 
bishop,  emphatically,  the  word,  remember,  and 
then  gave  the  ^i^^al  for  the  fatal  stroke.  The 
one  executioner  struck  the  head  from  the 
shoulders  at  a  single  blow;  the  other  held  it 
up,  and  proclaimed  it  the  head  of  a  traitor. 
The  soldiers  shouted  in  triumph,  but  the  mul- 
titude generally  burst  out  into  tears  and  lament- 
ations. 

This  tragic  spectacle  was  far  from  accom- 
plishing the  purpose  intended  by  those  who 
had  designed  it.  On  the  contrary,  the  King's 
serene  and  religious  behaviour  at  his  trial  and 
execution  excited  the  sympathy  and  sorrow  of 
many  who  had  been  his  enemies  when  in  power; 
the  injustice  and  brutality  which  he  bore  with 
so  much  dignity,  overpowered  the  remembrance 
of  the  errors  of  which  he  had  been  guilty  ;  and 
the  almost  universal  sense  of  the  iniquity  of 
his  sentence,  was  a  principal  cause  of  the 
subsequent  restoration  of  his  family  to  the 
throne. 


[     244     ] 


CHAP.  XITI. 

J\Iontrose  makes  a  Descent  upon  the  Highlands, 
is  taken  Prisoner j  and  Executed — Charles 
II.  being  declared  King^  arrives  in  Scotland 
— CromweWs  Invasion  of  Scotland — Battle 
of  Dunbar — Coronation  of  Charles  II. — He 
takes  the  Command  of  the  Army,  marches 
into  E7igland,  is  defeated  at  Worcester,  and 
escapes  abroad — War  in  Scotland  under 
General  JMonk — Cromwell  makes  himself 
Lord  Protector  of  the  Republics  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland — Glencairn^s  Rising — 
Exploits  of  Evan  Dhu,  of  Lochiel,  Chi^  of 
the  Camerons. 

The  death  of  Charles  I.  was  nowhere  more 
deeply  resented  than  in  his  native  country  of 
Scotland  ;  and  their  national  pride  was  the  more 
hurt,,  that  they  could  not  but  be  conscious  that 
the  surrender  of  his  person  by  the  Scottish  army 
at  Newcastle,  was  the  event  which  contributed 
immediately  to  place  him  in  the  hands  of  his 
enemies. 

The  government,  since  the  Whigamores' 
Raid,  had  continued  in  the  hands  of  Argyle  and 
the  more  rigid  Presbyterians ;  but  even  they, 
no  friends  to  the  House  of  Stewart,  were  bound 
by  the  Covenant  which  was  their  rule  in  all 
things,  to  acknowledge  the  hereditary  descent 
of  their  ancient  Kings,  and  call  to  the  throne 
Charles,  the  eldest  son  of  the   deceased  mo- 


Montrose's  descent.  245 

narch,  providing  he  would  consent  to  unite  with 
his  subjects  in  taking  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  for  the  support  of  Presbytery,  and 
the  putting  down  of  all  other  forms  of  religion. 

The  Scottish  Parliament  met,  and  resolved 
accordingly  to  proclaim  Charles  II.  their  law- 
ful sovereign  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  not  to 
admit  him  to  the  actual  power  as  such,  until  he 
should  give  security  for  the  religion,  unity,  and 
peace  of  the  kingdoms.  Commissioners  were 
sent  to  wait  upon  Charles,  who  had  retreated 
to  the  continent,  in  order  to  offer  him  the 
throne  of  Scotland  on  these  terms. 

The  young  Prince  had  already  around  him 
counsellors  of  a  different  character.  The  cele- 
brated Marquis  of  Montrose,  and  other  Scottish 
nobles,  few  in  number,  but  animated  by  their 
leader's  courage  and  zeal,  advised  him  to  reject 
the  proposal  of  the  Presbyterians  to  recall  him 
to  the  royal  dignity  on  such  conditions,  and 
offered  their  swords  and  lives  to  place  him  on 
the  throne  by  force  of  arms. 

It  appears  that  Charles  II.,  who  never  had 
any  deep  sense  of  integrity,  was  willing  to  treat 
with  each  of  these  parties  at  one  and  the  same 
time,  and  that  he  granted  a  commission  to  the 
Marquis  to  attempt  a  descent  on  Scotland,  tak- 
ing the  chance  of  what  might  be  accomplished 
by  his  far-famed  fortune  and  dauntless  enter- 
prise, while  he  kept  a  negotiation  afloat  with 
the  Presbyterian  commissioners,  in  case  of 
Montrose's  failure. 

That  intrepid  but  rash  enthusiast  embarked 
at  Hamburgh    with  some  arms  and  treasure, 


246  MONTROSE  TAKEN  PRISONER, 

supplied  by  the  northern  courts  of  Europe.  His 
fame  drew  around  him  a  few  of  the  emigrant 
Royalists,  chiefly  Scottish,  and  he  recruited 
about  six  hundred  German  mercenaries.  His 
first  descent  was  on  the  Orkney  Islands,  where 
he  forced  to  arms  a  few  hundred  unwarlike 
fishermen.  He  next  disembarked  on  the  main- 
land ;  but  the  natives  fled  from  him,  remember- 
ing the  former  excesses  of  his  army.  Strachan, 
an  ofiicer  under  Lesley,  came  upon  the  Mar- 
quis by  surprise,  near  a  pass  called  Inverchar- 
ron,  on  the  confines  of  Ross-shire.  The  Ork- 
ney men  made  but  little  resistance  ;  the  Ger- 
mans retired  to  a  wood,  and  there  surrendered; 
the  few  Scottish  companions  of  Montrose 
fought  bravely,  but  in  vain.  Many  gallant 
cavaliers  were  made  prisoners. 

Montrose,  when  the  day  was  irretrievably 
lost,  threw  off  his  cloak  bearing  the  star,  and 
afterwards  changed  clothes  with  an  ordinary 
Highland  kern,  that  he  might  endeavour  to  ef- 
fect his  escape.  Exhausted  with  fatigue  and 
hunger,  he  was  at  length  taken  by  a  Ross-shire 
chief,  Mac-Leod  of  Assint,  who  happened  to 
be  out  with  a  party  of  his  men  in  arms.  The 
Marquis  discovered  himself  to  this  man,  think- 
ing himself  secure  of  favour,  since  Assint  had 
been  once  his  own  follower.  But  tempted  by 
a  reward  of  four  hundred  bolls  of  meal,  this 
wretched  laird  delivered  his  old  commander 
to  the  unfriendly  hands  of  David  Lesley. 

The  Covenanters,  when  he  who  had  so  often 
made  them  tremble,  was  at  length  delivered 
into  their  hands,   celebrated  their  victory  with 


AND   PLACED   IN  CONFINEMENT.  347 

all  the  exultation  of  mean,  timid,  and  sullen 
spirits,  suddenly  released  from  apprehension  ot* 
imminent  danger.  Montrose  was  dragged  in  a 
sort  of  triumph  from  town  to  town,  in  the  mean 
garb  in  which  he  had  disguised  himself  for 
flight.  To  the  honour  of  the  town  of  Dundee, 
which,  you  will  recollect,  had  been  partly 
plundered,  and  partly  burnt  by  his  forces, 
during  his  eventful  progress  in  1645,  the  citi- 
zens of  that  town  were  the  first  who  supplied 
their  fallen  foe  with  clothes  befitting  his  rank, 
with  money,  and  with  necessaries.  The  Mar- 
quis himself  must  have  felt  this  as  a  severe  re- 
buke for  the  wasteful  mode  in  which  he  had 
carried  on  his  warfare  ;  and  it  was  a  still  more 
piercing  reproach  to  the  unworthy  victors, 
who  now  triumphed  over  an  heroic  enemy  in 
the  same  manner  as  they  would  have  done  over 
a  detected  felon. 

While  Montrose  was  confined  in  the  house 
of  the  Laird  of  Grange,  he  had  almost  made 
his  escape  through  the  bold  stratagem  of  the 
Laird's  wife,  a  descendant  of  the  house  of  So- 
merville.  This  lady's  address  had  drenched 
the  guards  with  liquor  ;  and  the  Marquis,  dis- 
guised in  a  female  dress,  with  which  she  had 
furnished  him,  had  already  passed  the  sleeping 
sentinels,  Avhen  he  was  challeng,ed  and  stopped 
by  a  half-drunken  soldier,  who  had  been  ram- 
bling about  without  any  duty  or  purpose.  The 
alarm  being  given,  he  was  again  secured,  and 
the  lady's  plot  was  of  no  avail.  She  escaped 
punishment  only  by  her  husband's  connexion 
with  the  ruling  party. 


248  ]>fONTROSE's  SENTENCE. 

Before  Montrose  reached  Edinburgh,  he  had 
been  condemned  by  the  Parliament  to  tlie 
death  of  a  traitor.  The  sentence  was  pro- 
nounced, without  further  trial,  upon  an  act  of 
attainder  passed  whilst  he  Avas  plundering  Ar- 
gyle  in  the  winter  of  1644;  and  it  was  studious- 
ly aggravated  by  every  species  of  infamy. 

The  Marquis  was,  according  to  the  special 
order  of  Parliament,  met  at  the  gates  by  the 
magistrates,  attended  by  the  common  hangman, 
who  was  clad  for  the  time  in  his  own  livery. 
He  was  appointed,  as  the  most  infamous  mode 
of  execution,  to  be  hanged  on  a  gibbet  thirty 
feet  high,  his  head  to  be  planted  on  the  tol- 
booth,  or  prison  of  Edinburgh,  his  body  to  be 
quartered,  and  his  limbs  to  be  placed  over  the 
gates  of  the  principal  towns  of  Scotland.  Ac- 
cording to  the  sentence,  he  was  conducted  to 
jail  on  a  cart,  bound  and  bareheaded,  the  horse 
led  by  the  executioner,  wearing  his  bonnet,  and 
the  noble  prisoner  exposed  to  the  scorn  of  the 
people,  who  were  expected  to  hoot  at  him  and 
revile  him.  But  the  rabble,  who  came  out  with 
the  rudest  purposes,  relented  when  they  saw 
the  dignity  of  his  bearing  ;  and  silence,  accom- 
panied by  the  sighs  and  tears  of  the  crowd,  at- 
tended the  progress,  which  his  enemies  had  de- 
signed should  excite  other  emotions.  The  only 
observation  he  made  was,  that  "  the  ceremonial 
of  his  entrance  had  been  somewhat  fatiguing 
and  tedious." 

He  appeared  before  the  Parliament,  to  hear 
the  terms  of  his  sentence,  with  the  same  manly 
indifference.     He  gazed  around  on  his  asseni- 


Montrose's  sentence.  249 

bled  enemies  with  as  miicli  composure  as  the 
most  unconcerned  spectator ;  heard  Loudon, 
the  Chancellor,  upbraid  him,  in  a  long  and  vio- 
lent declamation,  with  the  breach  of  both  the 
first  and  second  Covenant ;  Avith  his  cruel  wars 
at  the  head  of  the  savage  Irish  and  Highland- 
men  ;  and  with  the  murders,  treasons,  and  con- 
flagrations, which  they  had  occasioned. 

When  the  Chancellor  had  finished,  Montrose 
with  difliiculty  got  permission  to  reply.  He  told 
the  Parliament,  with  his  usual  boldness,  that  if 
he  appeared  before  them  uncovered,  and  ad- 
dressed them  with  respect,  it  was  only  because 
the  King  had  acknowledged  their  assembly,  by 
entering  into  a  treaty  with  them.  He  admitted 
he  had  taken  the  first,  or  National  Covenant, 
and  had  acted  upon  it  so  long  as  it  was  confined 
to  its  proper  purposes,  but  had  dissented  from 
and  opposed  those  who  had  used  it  as  a  covert 
for  assailing  the  royal  authority.  "  The  second, 
or  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,"  he  said, 
*'  he  had  never  taken,  and  was  in  no  respect 
bound  by  it.  He  had  made  war  by  the  King's 
express  commission ;  and  although  it  was  im- 
possible, in  the  course  of  hostilities,  absolutely 
to  prevent  acts  of  military  violence,  he  had  al- 
ways disowned  and  punished  such  irregulari- 
ties. He  had  never,"  he  said,  "  spilt  the  blood 
of  a  prisoner,  even  in  retaliation  of  the  cold- 
blooded murder  of  his  officers  and  friends — 
nay,  he  had  spared  the  lives  of  thousands  in  the 
very  shock  of  battle.  His  last  undertaking," 
he  continued,  "  was  carried  on  at  the  express 
command  of  Charles  IL,  whom  they  had  pro- 


250  EXECUTION  OF  MONTROSE. 

claimed  their  sovereign,  and  with  whom  they 
were  treating  as  such.  Therefore,  he  desired 
to  be  used  by  them  as  a  man  and  a  Christian,  to 
whom  many  of  them  had  been  indebted  for  life 
and  property,  when  the  fate  of  war  had  placed 
both  in  his  power.  He  required  them,  in  con- 
clusion, to  proceed  with  him  according  to  the 
laws  of  nature  and  nations,  but  especially  ac- 
cording to  those  of  Scotland,  as  they  themselves 
would  expect  to  be  judged  when  they  stood  at 
the  bar  of  Almighty  God." 

The  sentence  already  mentioned  was  then 
read  to  the  undaunted  prisoner,  on  which  he 
observed,  he  v/as  more  honoured  in  having  his 
head  set  on  the  prison,  for  the  cause  in  which 
he  died,  than  he  would  have  been  in  having  his 
picture  in  the  King's  bed-chamber.  As  to  the 
distribution  of  his  limbs,  he  said  he  wished  he 
had  flesh  enough  to  send  some  to  each  city  of 
Europe,  in  memory  of  the  cause  in  which  he 
died.  He  spent  the  night  in  reducing  these 
ideas  into  poetry. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day  he  was 
awakened  by  the  drums  and  trumpets  calling 
out  the  guards,  by  order  of  Parliament,  to  at- 
tend on  his  execution.  "Alas!"  he  said,  "I 
have  given  these  good  folks  much  trouble  while 
alive,  and  do  I  continue  to  be  a  terror  to  them 
on  the  day  I  am  to  die  ?" 

The  clergy  importuned  him,  urging  repent- 
ance of  his  sins,  and  offering,  on  his  expressing 
such  compunction,  to  relieve  him  from  the  sen- 
tence of  excommunication,  under  which  he  la- 
boured.    He  calmly  replied,  that  though  the 


EXECUTION  OF  MONTROSE.  251 

excommunication  had  been  rashly  pronounced, 
yet  it  gave  him  pain,  and  he  desired  to  be  freed 
from  it,  if  a  relaxation  could  be  obtained,  by 
expressing-  penitence  for  his  offences  as  a  man ; 
but  that  he  had  committed  none  in  his  duty  to 
his  prince  and  country,  and  had  none  to  ac- 
knowledge or  repent  of. 

Johnstone  of  Wariston,  an  eminent  Cove- 
nanter, intruded  himself  on  the  noble  prisoner, 
while  he  was  combing  the  long  curled  hair, 
which  he  wore  as  a  cavalier.  Wariston,  a 
gloomy  fanatic,  hinted  as  if  it  were  but  an  idle 
employment  at  so  solemn  a  time.  "  I  will  ar- 
range my  head  as  I  please  to-day,  while  it  is 
still  my  own,"  answered  Montrose  ;  "  to-mor- 
row it  will  be  yours,  and  you  may  deal  with  it 
as  you  list." 

The  Marquis  walked  on  foot  from  the  prison 
to  the  Grassmarket,  the  common  place  of  exe- 
cution for  the  basest  felons,  where  a  gibbet  of 
extraordinary  height,  with  a  scaffold  covered 
with  black  cloth,  were  erected.  Here  he  was 
again  pressed  by  the  Presbyterian  clergy  to 
own  his  guilt.  Their  cruel  and  illiberal  offi- 
ciousness,  could  not  disturb  the  serenity  of  his 
temper. 

To  exaggerate  the  infamy  of  his  punishment, 
or  rather  to  show  the  mean  spite  of  his  ene- 
mies, a  book,  containing  the  printed  history  of 
his  exploits,  was  hung  around  his  neck  by  the 
hangman.  This  insult,  likewise,  he  treated 
with  contempt,  saying  he  accounted  such  a  re- 
cord of  his  services  to  his  prince  as  a  symbol 
equally  honourable  with  the  badge  of  the  Gar- 


252  EXECUTION  OF  MONTROSE. 

ter,  which  the  King  had  bestowed  on  him.  In 
all  other  particulars,  Montrose  bore  himself 
with  the  same  calm  dignity,  and  finally  submit- 
ted to  execution  with  such  resolved  courage, 
that  many,  even  of  his  bitterest  enemies,  wept 
on  the  occasion.  He  suffered  on  the  21st 
May,  1650. 

Argyle,  the  mortal  foe  of  Montrose,  exulted 
in  private  over  the  death  of  his  enemy,  but  ab- 
stained from  appearing  in  Parliament  when  he 
was  condemned,  and  from  witnessing  his  exe- 
cution. He  is  even  said  to  have  shed  tears 
when  he  heard  the  scene  rehearsed.  His  son, 
Lord  Lorn,  was  less  scrupulous  ;  he  looked  on 
his  feudal  enemy's  last  moments,  and  even 
watched  the  blows  of  the  executioner's  axe, 
while  he  dissevered  the  head  from  the  body. 
His  cruelty  was  requited  in  the  subsequent 
reign ;  and  indeed  Heaven  soon  after  made 
manifest  the  folly,  as  well  as  guilt,  which  de- 
stroyed this  celebrated  commander,  at  a  time 
when  approaching  war  might  have  rendered  his 
talents  invaluable  to  his  country. 

Other  noble  Scottish  blood  was  spilt  at  the 
same  time,  both  at  home  and  in  England.  The 
Marquis  of  Huntly,  who  had  always  acted  for 
the  King,  though  he  had  injured  his  affairs  by 
his  hesitation  to  co-operate  with  Montrose, 
was  beheaded  at  Edinburgh  ;  and  Urry,  who 
had  been  sometimes  the  enemy,  sometimes  the 
follower  of  Montrose,  was  executed  with  others 
of  the  Marquis's  principal  followers. 

The  unfortunate  Duke  of  Hamilton,  a  man 
of  a  gentle  but  indecisive  character,  was  taken, 


EXECUTION   OF  OTHER  ROYALISTS.         253 

as  I  have  told  you,  in  his  attempt  to  invade 
England  and  deliver  the  King,  whom  he 
seems  to  have  served  with  fidelity,  though  he 
fell  under  his  suspicion,  and  even  suffered  a 
long  imprisonment  by  the  royal  order.  While 
he  was  confined  at  Windsor,  Charles,  previous 
to  his  trial,  was  brought  there  by  the  soldiers. 
The  dethroned  King  was  permitted  a  momen- 
tary interview  with  the  subject,  who  had  lost 
fortune  and  liberty  in  his  cause.  Hamilton 
burst  into  tears,  and  flung  himself  at  the  King*9 
feet,  exclaiming,  "  My  dear  master  !" — "  I 
have  been  a  dear  master  to  you  indeed,"  said 
Charles,  kindly  raising  him. 

After  the  execution  of  the  King,  Hamilton, 
with  the  Earl  of  Holland,  Lord  Capel,  and 
others,  who  had  promoted  the  rising  of  the 
royalists  on  different  points,  were  condemned 
to  be  beheaded.  A  stout  old  cavalier.  Sir 
John  Owen,  was  one  of  the  number.  When  the 
sentence  was  pronounced,  he  exclaimed  it  was 
a  great  honour  to  a  poor  W^elsh  knight  to  be 
beheaded  with  so  many  nobles,  adding,  with  an 
oath,  "  I  thought  they  would  have  hanged 
me."  This  gallant  old  man's  life  was  spared, 
when  his  companions  in  misfortune  were 
executed. 

While  these  bloody  scenes  were  proceeding, 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Scottish  Parliament 
continued  to  carry  on  the  treaty  with  King 
Charles.  He  had  nearly  broken  it  off,  when 
Montrose's  execution  was  reported  to  him  ;  but 
a  sense  of  his  own  duplicity  in  maintaining  a 
treaty  with  the  Parliament,  while  he  gave  Moii- 

VoL.  I.  23 


254  STATE  OF  PARTIES  IN  SCOTLAND. 

trose  a  commission  to  invade  and  make  war  on 
them,  smothered  his  complaints  on  the  subject. 
At  length  Charles,  seeing  no  other  resource, 
agreed  to  accept  the  crown  of  Scotland  on  the 
terms  offered,  which  were  those  of  the  most 
absolute  compliance  with  the  will  of  the  Scot- 
tish Parliament  in  civil  affairs,  and  with  the 
pleasure  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Kirk 
in  ecclesiastical  concerns.  Above  all,  the 
young  King  promised  to  take  upon  him  the 
obligations  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 
nant, and  to  further  them  by  every  means  in 
his  power.  On  these  conditions  the  treaty 
was  concluded ;  Charles  sailed  from  Holland, 
and  arriving  on  the  coast  of  Scotland,  landed 
near  the  "mouth  of  the  river  Spey,  and  advanced 
to  Stirling. 

Scotland  was  at  this  time  divided  into  three 
parties,  highly  unfriendly  to  each  other.  There 
were  first,  the  rigid  Presbyterians,  of  whom 
Argyle  was  the  leader.  This  was  the  faction 
which  had  since  the  Whigamores'  Raid  been  in 
possession  of  the  supreme  power  of  govern- 
ment, and  with  their  leaders  the  King  had 
made  his  treaty  in  Holland.  Secondly,  the 
moderate  Presbyterians,  called  the  Engagers, 
who  had  joined  with  Hamilton  in  his  incursion 
into  England.  These  were  headed  by  the  Earl 
of  Lanark,  who  succeeded  to  the  dukedom  of 
Hamilton  on  the  execution  of  his  brother ;  by 
Lauderdale,  a  man  of  very  considerable  ta- 
lents ;  Dunfermline,  and  others.  Thirdly, 
there  were  the  absolute  Loyalists,  friends  and 
foliowers  of  ;>Jontrose  ;  such  as  the  Marquis  of 


RECEPTION  OF  CHARLES  II.  255 

Himtly,  Lord  Ogilvy,  a  few  other  nobles  and 
gentlemen,  and  perhaps  some  Highland  chiefs, 
too  ignorant  and  too  distant  to  have  any  influ- 
ence in  state  affairs. 

As  all  these  three  parties  acknowledged,  with 
more  or  less  warmth,  the  sovereignty  of  King 
Charles,  it  might  have  seemed  no  very  difficult 
matter  to  have  united  them  in  the  same  patri- 
otic purpose  of  maintaining  the  national  inde- 
pendence of  the  kingdom.  But  successful  re- 
sistance to  the  English  was  a  task  to  which  the 
ruling  party  thought  themselves  perfectly  com- 
petent ;  they  entertained  the  most  presumptu- 
ous confidence  in  tlieir  own  strength,  and  their 
clergy  assured  them,  that  so  far  from  the  aid 
of  either  Engagers  or  Malignants  being  profit- 
able to  them  in  the  common  defence,  the  pre- 
sence of  any  such  profane  assistants  would 
draw  doAvn  the  curse  of  Heaven  on  the  cause, 
which,  trusted  to  the  hands  of  true  Covenanters 
only,  could  not  fail  to  prosper. 

Argyle,  therefore,  and  his  friends,  received 
the  young  King  with  all  the  outward  gestures 
of  profound  respect.  But  they  took  care  to  give 
him  his  will  in  no  one  particular.  They  exclu- 
ded from  attendance  on  his  person  all  his  Eng- 
lish adherents,  suspicious  of  their  attachment 
to  Prelacy  and  malignant  opinions.  The  minis- 
ters beset  him  with  exhortations  and  sermons 
of  immoderate  length,  introduced  on  all  occa- 
sions, and  exhausting  the  patience  of  a  young 
prince,  whose  strong  sense  of  the  ridiculous, 
and  impatience  of  serious  subjects,  led  him  to 
receive  with  heartfelt  contempt  and  disgust  the 


256  PRESBYTERIAN    CLERGY. 

homely  eloquence  of  the  long-winded  orators. 
The  preachers  also  gave  him  offence  hy  choos- 
ing frequently  for  their  themes  the  sins  of  his 
father,  the  idolatry  of  his  mother,  who  was 
a  Catholic,  and  his  own  ill-disguised  dispo- 
sition to  malignity.  They  numbered  up  the 
judgments  which,  they  affirmed,  these  sins  had 
brought  on  his  father's  house,  and  they  prayed 
that  they  might  not  be  followed  by  similar 
punishments  upon  Charles  himself.  These  ill- 
timed  and  ill-judged  admonitions  were  so  often 
repeated,  as  to  impress  on  the  young  King's 
mind  a  sensation  of  dislike  and  disgust,  with 
which  he  remembered  the  Presbyterian  preach- 
ers as  long  as  he  lived. 

Sometimes  their  fanaticism  and  want  of 
judgment  led  to  ridiculous  scenes.  It  is  said, 
that  upon  one  occasion  a  devout  lady,  who 
lived  opposite  to  the  royal  lodgings,  saw  from 
her  window  the  young  King  engaged  in  a  game 
at  cards,  or  some  other  frivolous  amusement, 
which  the  rigour  of  the  Covenanters  denounced 
as  sinful.  The  lady  communicated  this  import- 
ant discovery  to  her  minister,  and  it  reached 
the  ears  of  the  Commission  of  the  Kirk,  who 
named  a  venerable  member  of  their  body  to  re- 
buke the  monarch  personally  for  this  act  of 
backsliding.  The  clergyman  to  whom  this 
delicate  commission  was  intrusted,  was  a 
shrewd  old  man,  who  saw  no  great  wisdom  in 
the  proceeding  of  liis  brethren,  but  executed 
their  commands  with  courtly  dexterity,  and 
summed  up  his  ghostly  admonition  with  a  re- 
quest, that  when  his  Majesty  indulged  in  simi- 


Cromwell's  invasion  of  Ireland.     257 

lar  recreations,  he  would  be  pleased  to  take  the 
precaution  of  shutting  the  windows.  The  King 
laughed,  and  was  glad  to  escape  so  well  from 
the  apprehended  lecture.  But  events  were 
fast  approaching  which  had  no  jesting  aspect. 

England,  to  which  you  must  now  turn  your 
attention,  had  totally  changed  its  outward  con- 
stitution since  the  death  of  the  king.  Crom- 
well, who,  using  the  victorious  army  as  his 
tools,  w^as  already  in  the  real  possession  of  the 
supreme  power,  had  still  more  tasks  than  one 
to  accomplish,  before  he  dared  venture  to  as- 
sume the  external  appearance  of  it.  He  suf- 
fered, therefore,  the  diminished  and  mutilated 
House  of  Commons  to  exist  for  a  season,  du- 
ring which  the  philosophical  Republicans  of 
the  party  passed  resolutions  that  monarchy 
should  never  be  again  established  in  England  ; 
that  the  power  of  the  Executive  Government 
should  be  lodged  in  a  Council  of  State  ;  and 
that  the  House  of  Lords  should  be  abolished. 

Meantime,  Cromwell  led  in  person  a  part  of 
his  victorious  army  to  Ireland,  which  had  been 
the  scene  of  more  frightful  disorders  than  Eng- 
land, or  even  Scotland.  These  had  begun  by 
the  Catholic  inhabitants  rising  upon  the  Pro- 
testants, and  murdering  many  thousands  of 
them  in  what  was  termed  the  Irish  Massacre. 
This  had  been  followed  by  a  general  war  be- 
tween the  religions ;  but  at  length  the  address 
of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  as  devoted  a  loyalist 
as  Montrose,  contrived  to  engage  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  Catholics  on  the  side  of  Charles  ; 
and  Ireland  became  the  place  of  refuge  to  all 
22* 


258  Cromwell's  INVASION 

the  Cavaliers,  or  remains  of  the  royal  party, 
who  began  to  assume  a  formidable  appearance 
in  that  island. 

The  arrival  of  Cromwell  suddenly  changed 
this  gleam  of  fortune  into  cloud  and  storm. 
Wherever  this  fated  General  appeared  he  was 
victorious,  and  in  Ireland,  in  order  perhaps  to 
strike  terror  into  a  fierce  people,  for  Oliver 
Cromwell  was  not  blood-thirsty  by  disposition, 
he  made  dreadful  execution  among  the  van- 
quished, particularly  at  the  storming  of  the 
town  of  Drogheda,  where  his  victorious  troops 
spared  neither  sex  nor  age.  He  now  returned 
to  England,  with  even  greater  terror  attached 
to  his  name  than  before. 

The  new  Commonwealth  of  England  had  no 
purpose  that  the  son  of  the  King  whom  they 
had  put  to  death,  should  be  sufibred  to  estab- 
lish himself  quietly  in  the  sister  kingdom  of 
Scotland,  and  enjoy  the  power  when  opportu- 
nity offered  of  again  calling  to  arms  his  nume- 
rous adherents  in  England,  and  disturbing  or 
perhaps  destroying  their  new-modelled  repub- 
lic. They  were  resolved  to  prevent  this  dan- 
ger by  making  war  on  Scotland,  whilst  still 
weakened  by  her  domestic  dissensions ;  and 
compelling  her  to  adopt  the  constitution  of  a  re- 
public, to  become  confederated  with  their  own. 
This  proposal  was  of  course  haughtily  rejected 
by  the  Scots,  as  it  implied  a  renunciation  at 
once  of  King  and  Kirk,  and  a  total  alteration 
of  the  Scottish  constitution  in  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical government.  The  ruling  parties  of  both 
nations,  therefore,  prepared  for  the  contest. 


OF  SCOTLAND.  259 


The  rigid  Presbyterians  in  Scotland  showed 
now  a  double  anxiety  to  exclude  from  their 
army  all,  however  otherwise  well  qualified  to 
assist  in  such  a  crisis,  whom  they  regarded  as 
suspicious  in  point  of  doctrine,  whether  as  ab- 
solute Malignants,  or  as  approaching  nearer  to 
their  own  doctrines,  by  professing  a  moderate 
and  tolerant  attachment  to  Presbytery. 

Yet  even  without  the  assistance  of  these  ex- 
cluded parties,  the  Convention  of  Estates  as- 
sembled a  line  army,  full  of  men  enthusiastic 
in  the  cause  in  which  they  were  about  to  fight ; 
and  feeling  all  the  impulse  which  could  be 
given  by  the  rude  eloquence  of  their  favourite 
ministers.  Unfortunately  the  preachers  were 
not  disposed  to  limit  themselves  to  the  task  of 
animating  the  courage  of  the  soldiers ;  but 
were  so  presumptuous  as  to  interfere  with,  and 
control  the  plans  of  the  General,  and  move- 
ments of  the  army. 

The  army  of  England,  consisting  almost  en- 
tirely of  Independents,  amongst  whom  any 
man  who  chose  might  exert  the  office  of  a  cler- 
gyman, had  a  resemblance  to  the  Presbyterian 
troops  of  Scotland,  for  both  armies  professed 
to  appeal  to  Heaven  for  the  justice  of  their 
cause  ;  and  both  resounded  with  psalms,  pray- 
ers, exhortations,  and  religious  exercises,  to 
confirm  the  faith,  and  animate  the  zeal  of  the 
soldiers. 

Both  used  the  same  language  in  their  pro- 
clamations against  each  other,  and  it  was  such 
as  implied  a  war  rather  on  account  of  religion 
than  of  temporal  interests.     The  Scottish  pro 


It&O  Cromwell's  invasion 

clamations  declared  the  army  commanded  by 
Cromwell  to  be  an  union  of  the  most  perverse 
heretical  sectaries,  of  every  different  persua- 
sion, agreeing  in  nothing,  saving  their  desire 
to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  unity  and  discipline  of 
the  Christian  Church,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  Covenant,  to  which  most  of  their  leaders 
had  sworn  fidelity.  The  army  of  Cromwell 
replied  to  them  in  the  same  style.  They  de- 
clared that  they  valued  the  Christian  Churches 
ten  thousand  times  more  than  their  own  lives. 
They  protested  that  they  were  not  only  a  rod 
of  iron  to  dash  asunder  the  common  enemies, 
but  a  hedge  (though  unworthy)  about  the  di- 
vine vineyard.  As  for  the  Covenant,  they 
protested  that,  would  it  not  seem  to  make  it  an 
object  of  idolatry,  they  would  be  content,  if 
called  upon  to  encounter  the  Scots  in  this  quar- 
rel, to  place  the  Covenant  on  the  point  of  their 
pikes,  and  let  God  himself  judge  whether  they 
or  their  of)ponents  had  best  observed  the  ob- 
ligations of  that  national  engagement. 

Although  the  contending  nations  thus  nearly 
resembled  each  other  in  their  ideas  and  lan- 
guage, there  was  betwixt  the  Scottish  and  Eng- 
lish soldiers  one  difference,  and  it  proved  a 
material  one.  In  the  English  army  the  offi- 
cers insisted  upon  being  preachers,  and  though 
their  doctrine  was  wild  enough,  their  igno- 
rance of  theology  had  no  effect  on  military 
events.  But  with  the  Scots,  the  Presbyterian 
clergy  were  unhappily  seized  Mdth  the  opposite 
rage  of  acting  as  officers  and  generals,  and 
their  skill  in  their  own  profession  of  divinity 


OF  SCOTLAND.  261 


could  not  redeem  the  errors  which  they  com* 
mitted  in  the  art  of  war. 

Fairfax  having  declined  the  command  of  the 
English  army,  his  conscience  (for  he  was  a 
Presbyterian)  not  permitting  him  to  engage  in 
the  war,  Cromwell  accepted  with  joy  the  su- 
preme military  authority,  and  prepared  for  the 
invasion  of  Scotland. 

The  wars  between  the  sister  kingdoms  seem- 
ed now  about  to  be  rekindled,  after  the  interval 
of  two  ihixdt.  Cx  a  century  ;  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  greatly  superior  power  of  England, 
there  was  no  room  for  absolute  confidence  in 
her  ultimate  success.  The  Scots,  though  di- 
vided into  parties,  so  far  as  church  government 
was  concerned,  were  unanimous  in  acknow- 
ledging the  right  of  King  Charles,  whereas  the 
English  were  far  from  making  common  cause 
against  his  claims.  On  the  contrary,  if  the 
stern  army  of  Sectaries,  now  about  to  take  the 
field,  should  sustain  any  great  disaster,  the  Ca- 
valiers of  England,  with  great  part  of  the 
Presbyterians  in  that  country,  were  alike 
disposed  to  put  the  King  once  more  at  the 
head  of  the  government ;  so  that  the  fate  not 
of  Scotland  alone,  but  of  England  also,  was 
committed  to  the  event  of  the  present  war. 

Neither  were  the  armies  and  generals  op- 
posed to  each  other  unworthy  of  the  struggle. 
If  the  army  of  Cromwell  consisted  of  veteran 
soldiers,  inured  to  constant  victory,  that  of 
Scotland  was  fresh,  numerous,  and  masters  of 
their  own  strong  country,  which  was  the  des- 
tined scene  of  action.  If  Cromwell  had  defeated 


262  Cromwell's  invasion 

the  most  celebrated  generals  of  the  Cavaliers, 
David  Lesley,  the  effective  commander-in-chief 
in  Scotland,  had  been  victor  over  Montrose, 
more  renowned  perhaps  than  any  of  them.  If 
Cromwell  was  a  general  of  the  most  decisive 
character,  celebrated  for  the  battles  which  he 
liad  won,  Lesley  was,  by  early  education,  a 
trained  soldier,  more  skilful  than  his  antagonist 
in  taking  positions,  defending  passes,  and  all 
the  previous  arrangements  of  a  campaign. 
With  these  advantages  on  the  different  sides, 
the  eventual  struggle  commenced. 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1650,  Cromwell  in- 
vaded Scotland  at  the  head  of  his  veteran  and 
well-disciplined  troops.  But,  on  marching 
through  Berwickshire  and  East-Lothian,  he 
found  that  the  country  was  abandoned  by  the 
population,  and  stripped  of  every  thing  which 
could  supply  the  hostile  army.  Nothing  was 
to  be  seen  save  old  spectre-looking  women, 
clothed  in  white  flannel,  who  told  the  English 
officers  that  all  tlie  men  had  taken  arms,  under 
command  of  the  Barons. 

Subsisting  chiefly  on  the  provisions  .supplied 
by  a  fleet,  which,  sailing  along  the  coast, 
accompanied  his  movements,  the  English  Ge- 
neral approached  the  capital,  where  Lesley  had 
settled  Iiis  head-quarters.  The  right  wing  of 
the  Scottish  army  rested  upon  the  high  grounds 
at  the  rise  of  Arthur's  Seat,  and  the  left  wing 
was  posted  at  Lcith,  while  the  high  bank,  for- 
merly called  Lcith  Walk,  made  a  part  of  his 
lines,  which,  defend(;d  by  a  numerous  artillery, 
completely  protected  the  metropolis.     Crom- 


OF  SCOTLAND.  263 


well  skirmished  with  the  Scottish  advanced 
posts  near  to  Restalrig,  but  his  cuirassiers  were 
so  warmly  encountered,  that  they  gained  no 
advantage,  and  their  General  was  obliged  to 
withdraw  to  Musselburgh.  His  next  effort 
was  made  from  the  westward. 

The  English  army  made  a  circuit  to  Collin- 
ton,  Redhall,  and  other  places  near  to  the  east- 
ern extremity  of  the  Pentland  Hills,  from  which 
Cromwell  hoped  to  advance  on  Edinburgh.  But 
Lesley  was  immediately  on  his  guard.  He  left 
his  position  betwixt  Edinburgh  and  Leith,  and 
took  one  which  covered  the  city  to  the  west- 
ward, and  was  protected  by  the  Water  of  Leith, 
and  the  several  cuts,  drains,  and  mill-leads,  at 
Saughton,  Coltbridge,  and  the  houses  and  vil- 
lages in  that  quarter.  Here  Cromwell  again 
found  the  S(!ots  in  order  of  battle,  and  again  was 
obliged  to  withdraw  after  a  distant  cannonade. 

The  necessity  of  returning  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  his  fleet,  obliged  Cromv/ell  to  march 
back  to  his  encampment  at  Musselburgh.  Nor 
was  he  permitted  to  remain  there  in  quiet.  At 
the  dead  of  night,  a  strong  body  of  cavalry, 
called  the  regiment  of  the  Kirk,  well  armed  at 
all  points,  broke  into  the  English  lines,  with 
loud  cries  of,  "  God  and  the  Kirk  !  all  is  ours." 
It  was  with  some  difiiculty  that  Cromwell  ral- 
lied his  soldiers  upon  this  sudden  alarm,  in 
which  he  sustained  considerable  loss,  though 
the  assailants  were  finally  compelled  to  retreat. 

The  situation  of  the  English  army  now  be- 
came critical ; — their  provisions  were  like  to 
be  exhausted,  the  communication  with  the  fleet 


264  Cromwell's  invasion  of  Scotland. 

grew  daily  more  precarious,  while  Lesley,  with 
the  same  prudence  which  had  hitherto  guided 
his  defence,  baffled  all  the  schemes  of  the  Eng- 
lish leader,  without  exposing  his  army  to  the 
risk  of  a  general  action,  until  Cromwell,  fairly 
outgeneralled  by  the  address  of  his  enemy,  was 
compelled  to  retire  towards  England. 

Lesley,  on  his  part,  left  his  lines  without 
delay,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  the  re- 
treat of  the  English.  Moving  by  a  shorter  line, 
he  took  possession  with  his  army  of  the  skirts 
of  Lammermoor,  a  ridge  of  hills  terminating  on 
the  sea  near  the  town  of  Dunbar,  abounding 
with  difficult  passes,  all  of  which  he  occupied 
strongly.  Here  he  proposed  to  await  the  at- 
tack of  the  English,  with  every  chance,  nay, 
almost  with  the  certainty,  of  gaining  a  great 
and  decisive  victory. 

Cromwell  was  reduced  to  much  perplexity. 
To  force  his  way,  ifc  was  necessary  to  attack  a 
tremendous  pass  called  Cockburn's  path,  where, 
according  to  Cromwell's  own  description,  one 
man  might  do  more  to  defend,  than  ten  to  make 
way.  And  if  he  engaged  in  this  desperate  en- 
terprise, he  was  liable  to  be  attacked  by  the  nu- 
merous forces  of  Lesley  in  flank  and  rear.  He 
saw  all  the  danger,  and  entertained  thoughts  of 
embarking  his  foot  on  board  of  his  ships,  and 
cutting  his  own  way  as  he  best  could,  at  the 
head  of  his  cavalry. 

At  this  moment,  the  interference  of  the  Pres- 
byterian preachers,  and  the  influence  which 
they  possessed  over  the  Scottish  army  and 
General,  ruined  this  fair  promise  of  successw 


CATTLE  OF  DUNBAR.  265 


In  spite  of  all  the  prudent  remonstrances  of 
Lesley,  they  insisted  that  the  Scottish  army 
should  be  led  from  their  strong  position,  to 
attack  the  English  upon  equal  ground.  This, 
in  the  language  of  Scripture,  they  called  going 
doAvn  against  the  Philistines  at  Gilgal. 

Cromwell  had  slept  at  the  Duke  of  Rox- 
burghe's  house,  called  Broxmouth,  and  his 
army  were  stationed  in  the  park  there,  when 
he  received  news  that  the  Scots  were  leaving 
their  fastnesses,  and  about  to  hazard  battle. 
He  exclaimed,  "  that  God  had  delivered  them 
into  his  hands ;"  and  calling  for  his  horse, 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops. 
Coming  to  the  head  of  a  regiment  of  Lanca- 
shire men,  he  found  one  of  their  oihcers,  while 
they  Avere  in  the  act  of  marching  to  battle,  in 
a  lit  of  sudden  enthusiasm  holding  forth  or 
preaching  to  his  men.  Cromwell  also  listened, 
and  seemed  affected  by  his  discourse.  At  this 
moment  the  sun  showed  his  broad  orb  on  the 
level  surface  of  the  sea,  which  is  close  to  the 
scene  of  action.  "  Let  the  Lord  arise,"  he 
said,  "  and  let  his  enemies  be  scattered  ;"  and 
presently  after,  looking  upon  the  field  where 
the  battle  had  noAv  commenced,  he  added,  "  I 
profess  they  flee." 

Cromwell's  hopes  did  not  deceive  him.  The 
hasty  Scottish  levies,  thus  presumptuously  op- 
posed to  the  veteran  soldiers  of  Cromwell, 
proved  unequal  to  standing  the  shock.  Two 
regiments  fought  bravely,  and  were  almost  all 
cut  off;  but  the  greater  part  of  Lesley's  army 
fell  into  confusion  without  much  resistance. 

Vol.  I.  23 


266  Cromwell's  invasion 

Great  slaughter  ensued,  and  many  prisoners 
were  made,  v/hom  the  cruelty  of  the  English 
government  destined  to  a  fate  liitherto  un- 
know^n  in  Christian  warfare.  They  transport- 
ed to  the  English  settlements  in  America  those 
unfortunate  captives,  subjects  of  an  indepen- 
dent kingdom,  who  bore  arms  by  order  of  their 
iDwn  lawful  government,  and  there  sold  them 
for  slaves. 

The  decisive  defeat  at  Dunbar  opened  the 
whole  of  the  south  of  Scotland  to  Cromwell. 
The  Independents  found  a  fev/  friends  and  bro- 
ther sectaries  among  the  gentry,  who  had  been 
hitherto  deterred,  by  the  fear  of  the  Presbyte- 
rians, from  making  their  opinions  public.  Al- 
most all  the  strong  places  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Forth  were  won  by  the  arms  of  the  English, 
or  yielded  by  the  timidity  of  their  defenders- 
Edinburgh  Castle  was  surrendered,  not  without 
suspicion  of  gross  treachery  ;  and  Tantallon, 
Hume,  Roslin,  and  Borthwick,  with  other  fort- 
resses, fell  into  their  hands. 

Internal  dissension  added  to  the  calamitous 
state  of  Scotland.  The  Committee  of  Estates, 
with  the  King,  and  the  remainder  of  Lesley's 
army,  retreated  to  Stirling,  where  they  still 
hoped  to  make  a  stand,  by  defending  the  passes 
of  the  Forth.  A  Parliament,  held  at  Perth, 
were  in  this  extremity  disposed  to  relax  in  the 
extreme  rigour  of  their  exclusive  doctrines, 
and  to  admit  into  the  army,  which  they  labour- 
ed to  reinforce,  such  of  the  moderate  Presby- 
terians, or  Engagers,  and  even  of  the  Royalists 


OF  SCOTLAND.  267 


and  Malignants,  as  inclined  to  make  a  formal 
confession  of  their  former  errors. 

The  Royalists  readily  enough  complied  with 
this  requisition  ;  but  as  their  pretended  repent- 
ance was  generally  regarded  as  a  mere  farce, 
submitted  to  that  they  might  obtain  leave  to 
bear  arms  for  the  King,  the  stricter  Presbyteri- 
ans regarded  this  compromise  with  Malignants 
as  a  sinful  seeking  for  help  from  Egypt.  The 
Presbyterians  of  the  western  countries,  in  parti- 
cular, carried  this  oj^inion  so  far,  as  to  think 
this  period  of  national  distress  an  auspicious 
time  for  disclaiming  the  King's  interest  and  ti- 
tle. Refusing  to  allow  that  the  victory  of  Dun- 
bar was  owing  to  the  military  skill  of  Cromwell, 
and  the  disciplined  valour  of  his  troops,  they 
set  it  down  as  a  chastisement  justly  inflicted  on 
the  Scottish  nation  for  espousing  the  Royal 
cause.  Under  this  separate  banner  there  as- 
sembled an  army  of  about  four  thousand  men, 
commanded  by  Kerr  and  Strachan.  They  were 
resolved,  at  the  same  time,  to  oppose  the  En- 
glish invasion,  and  to  fight  w'ith  the  King's 
forces,  and  thus  embroil  the  kingdom  in  a 
threefold  war.  The  leaders  of  this  third  party, 
who  were  called  Remonstrators,  made  a  smart 
attack  on  a  large  body  of  English  troops,  sta- 
tioned in  Hamilton,  under  General  Lambert, 
and  were  at  first  successful;  but  falling  into 
disorder,  owing  to  their  very  success,  they  were 
ultimately  defeated.  Kerr,  one  of  their  leaders, 
was  wounded,  and  made  prisoner;  and  Stra- 
chan soon  afterwards  revolted  and  joined  the 
English  army. 


268  Cromwell's  invasion 

Cromwell,  in  the  meanwhile,  made  the  fair- 
est promises  to  ail  who  would  listen  to  him,  and 
laboured,  not  altogether  in  vain,  to  impress  the 
Presbyterian  party  with  a  belief,  that  they  had 
better  join  with  the  Independents,  although 
disallowing  of  church  government,  and  thus 
obtain  peace  and  a  close  alliance  with  England, 
than  adhere  to  the  cause  of  the  King,  who,  with 
his  father's  house,  had,  he  said,  been  so  long 
the  troublers  of  Israel.  And  here  I  may  in- 
terrupt the  course  of  public  events,  to  tell  you 
an  anecdote  not  generally  known,  but  curious 
as  illustrating  the  character  of  Cromwell. 

Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Dunbar,  Cromwell 
visited  Glasgow ;  and  upon  Sunday  attended 
the  Presbyterian  service  in  the  principal  church 
of  that  city.  The  preacher,  a  rigid  Presbyte- 
rian, was  nothing  intimidated  by  the  presence 
of  the  English  General ;  but  entering  freely 
upon  state  affairs,  which  were  then  a  common 
topic  in  the  pulpit,  he  preached  boldly  on  the 
errors  and  heresies  of  the  independent  secta- 
ries, insisted  on  the  duty  of  resisting  their  doc- 
trines, and  even  spoke  with  little  respect  of  the 
person  of  Cromwell  himself. 

An  officer  who  sat  behind  Cromwell,  whis- 
pered something  in  his  ear  more  than  once,  and 
the  General  as  often  seemed  to  impose  silence 
upon  him.  The  curiosity  of  the  congregation 
was  strongly  excited.  At  length  the  service 
was  ended,  and  Cromwell  was  in  the  act  of 
leaving  the  church,  when  he  cast  his  eyes  on 
one  Wilson,  a  mechanic,  who  had  long  resided 
at  Glasgow,  and  called  on  him  by  name.     The 


OF  SCOTLAND.  269 


man  no  sooner  saw  the  General  take  notice  of 
him  than  he  ran  away.  Cromwell  directed  that 
he  should  be  followed,  and  brought  before  him, 
but  without  injury.  At  the  same  time  he  sent 
a  civil  message  to  the  clergyman  who  had 
preached,  desiring  to  see  him  at  his  quarters. 
These  things  augmented  the  curiosity  of  the 
town's  people  ;  and  when  they  saw  Wilson  led 
as  prisoner  to  the  General's  apartments,  many 
remained  about  the  door,  watching  the  result. 
Wilson  soon  returned,  and  joyfully  showed  his 
acquaintances  some  money  which  the  English 
General  had  given  him  to  drink  his  health. 

His  business  with  Cromwell  was  easily  ex- 
plained. This  man  had  been  son  of  a  footman 
who  had  attended  James  VI.  to  England.  By 
some  accident  Yfilson  had  served  his  appren- 
ticeship to  a  shoemaker  in  the  same  town  where 
Cromwell's  father  lived,  had  often  played  with 
Master  Oliver  while  they  were  both  children, 
and  had  obliged  him  by  making  balls  and  other 
playthings  for  him.  When  Vt^IIsou  saw  that  his 
old  companion  recognised  him,  he  ran  away, 
because,  recollecting  his  father  had  been  a  ser- 
vant of  the  royal  family,  he  thought  the  Gene- 
ral, who  was  known  to  have  brought  the  late 
King  to  the  block,  might  nourish  ill-will  against 
all  who  were  connected  with  him.  But  Crom- 
well had  received  him  kindly,  spoken  of  their 
childish  acquaintance,  and  gave  him  some  mo- 
ney. 

The  familiarity  with  which  he  seemed  to 
treat  him,  encouraged  Wilson  to  ask  his  former 
friend  what  it  was  that  passed  betwixt  the  offi- 
23^ 


270  CORONATION   OF  CHARLES  II. 

cer  and  him,  when  the  preacher  was  thundering 
from  the  pulpit  against  the  sectaries  and  their 
General.  "  He  called  the  minister  an  insolent 
rascal,"  said  Cromwell,  not  unwilling,  perhaps, 
that  his  forbearance  should  be  made  public, 
"  and  asked  my  leave  to  pull  him  out  of  the 
pulpit  by  the  ears  ;  and  I  commanded  him  to 
sit  still,  telling  him  the  minister  was  one  fool, 
and  he  another."  This  anecdote  serves  to  show 
Cromwell's  recollection  of  persons  and  faces. 
He  next  gave  audience  to  the  preacher,  and 
used  arguments  with  him  which  did  not  reach 
the  public ;  but  were  so  convincing,  that  he 
pronounced  a  second  discourse  in  the  evening, 
in  a  tone  much  mitigated  towards  Independency 
and  its  professors. 

While  the  south  of  Scotland  was  overawed, 
and  the  Western  Remonstrators  were  dispersed 
by  Cromwell,  the  Scottish  Parliament,  though 
retired  beyond  the  Forth,  still  maintained  a 
show  of  decided  opposition.  They  resolved 
upon  the  coronation  of  Charles,  a  ceremony 
hitherto  deferred,  but  which  they  determined 
now  to  perform,  as  a  solemn  pledge  of  their 
resolution  to  support  the  constitution  and  reli- 
gion of  Scotland  to  the  last. 

But  the  melancholy  solemnity  had  been 
nearly  prevented  by  the  absence  of  the  princi- 
pal personage.  Charles,  disgusted  with  the  in- 
vectives of  the  Presbyterian  clergy,  and  perhaps 
remembering  the  fate  of  his  father  at  Newcas- 
tle, formed  a  hasty  purpose  of  flying  from  the 
Presbyterian  camp.  He  had  not  been  suffi- 
rientiy  aware  of  the  weakness  of  the  Royalists, 


MANffiUVRING  OF  THE  ARMIES.  271 

who  recommended  this  wild  step,  and  he  actu- 
ally went  off  to  the  hills.  But  he  found  only  a 
few  Highlanders  at  Clova,  without  the  appear- 
ance of  an  army,  which  he  had  promised  him- 
self, and  was  easily  induced  to  return  to  the 
camp  with  a  party  who  had  been  despatched  in 
pursuit  of  him. 

This  excursion,  which  was  called  the  Start, 
did  not  greatly  tend  to  increase  confidence  be- 
twixt the  young  King  and  his  Presbyterian 
counsellors.  The  ceremony  of  the  coronation 
was  performed  with  such  solemnities  as  the 
time  admitted,  but  mingled  with  circumstances 
which  must  have  been  highly  disgusting  to 
Charles.  The  confirmation  of  the  Covenant 
was  introduced  as  an  essential  part  of  the  so- 
lemnity ;  and  the  coronation  was  preceded  by  a 
national  fast  and  humiliation,  expressly  held  on 
account  of  the  sins  of  the  Royal  Family.  A 
suspected  hand,  that  of  the  Marquis  of  Argyle, 
placed  an  insecure  crown  on  the  head  of  the 
son,  whose  father  he  had  been  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal instruments  in  dethroning. 

These  were  bad  omens.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  King  enjoyed  more  liberty  than  be- 
fore ;  most  of  the  Engagers  had  resumed  their 
seats  in  Parliament ;  and  many  Royalist  officers 
were  received  into  tlie  army. 

Determined  at  this  time  not  to  be  tempted  to 
a  disadvantageous  battle,  the  King,  who  assu- 
med the  command  of  the  army  in  person,  took 
up  a  line  in  front  of  Stirling,  having  in  his 
front  the  river  of  Carron.  Cromwell  approach- 
ed, but  could  neither  with  prudence  attack  the 


272  MANCEUVRINO  OF  THE  ARMIES. 

Scots  in  their  lines,  nor  find  means  of  inducing 
them  to  hazard  a  battle,  unless  upon  great  ad- 
vantage. After  the  armies  had  confronted  each 
other  for  more  than  a  month,  Cromwell  des- 
patched Colonel  Overton  into  Fife,  to  turn  the 
left  flank  of  the  Scottish  army,  and  intercept 
their  supplies.  He  was  encountered  near  the 
town  of  Inverkeithing  by  the  Scots,  command- 
ed by  Holborn  and  Brown.  The  first  of  these 
officers  behaved  basely,  and  perhaps  treache- 
rously. Brown  fought  well  and  bravely,  but 
finally  sustaining  a  total  defeat,  was  made  pri- 
soner, and  afterwards  died  of  grief. 

The  situation  of  the  main  Scottish  army, 
under  Charles  in  person,  became  hazardous  af- 
ter this  defeat,  for  their  position  w^s  rendered 
precarious,  by  the  footing  which  t  e  English 
obtained  in  the  counties  of  Fife  an..  Kinross, 
which  enabled  them  to  intercept  the  King's 
supplies  and  communications  from  the  north. 

In  this  distressed  situation  Charles  adopted  a 
bold  and  decisive  measure.  He  resolved  to 
transfer  the  war  from  Scotland  to  England,  and, 
suddenly  raising  his  camp,  he  moved  to  the 
south-westward  by  rapid  marches,  hoping  to 
rouse  his  friends  in  England  to  arms,  before 
Cromwell  could  overtake  him.  But  the  Cava- 
liers of  England  were  now  broken  and  dis- 
pirited, and  were,  besides,  altogether  unpre- 
pared for  this  hasty  invasion,  which  seemed 
rather  the  effect  of  despair  than  the  result  of 
dcli1)erate  and  settled  resolution.  The  Presby- 
terians, though  rather  inclined  to  the  Royal 
cause,  were  still  less  disposed  to  hazard  a  June- 


WAR  IN  SCOTLAND. 


tian  with  him,  until  terms  of  mutual  accommo- 
dation could  be  settled.  They  were  divided 
and  uncertain,  while  the  republicans  were  re- 
solved and  active. 

The  English  militia  assembled  under  Lam- 
bert to  oppose  Charles  in  front,  and  Cromwell 
followed  close  in  his  rear,  to  take  every  advan- 
tage that  could  offer.  The  Scots  reached  with- 
out much  opposition  the  City  of  Worcester, 
where,  3d  September,  1651,  the  militia,  com- 
manded by  Lambert,  and  the  regular  forces  un- 
der Cromwell,  attacked  the  Royalists  with  dou 
ble  the  number  of  their  forces.  Clarendon  and 
other  English  authors  represent  the  Scottish 
army  as  making  little  resistance.  Cromwell, 
on  the  contrary,  talks  of  the  battle  of  Worces- 
ter, in  his  peculiar  phraseology,  as  "a  stiff  busi- 
ness— a  very  glorious  mercy — as  stiff  a  contest 
as  he  had  ever  beheld."  But,  well  or  ill  dispu- 
ted, the  day  was  totally  lost.  Three  thousand 
men  were  slain  in  the  field,  ten  thousand  were 
taken,  and  such  of  them  as  survived  their 
wounds,  and  the  horrors  of  overcrowded  jails, 
were  shipped  off  as  slaves  for  the  plantations. 

Charles  escaped  from  the  field,  and  concealed 
himself  in  obscure  retreats,  under  various  dis- 
guises. At  one  time  he  was  obliged  to  hide 
himself  in  the  boughs  of  a  spreading  oak  tree  ; 
hence  called  the  Royal  Oak.  At  another  time 
he  rode  before  a  lady,  Mrs.  Lane,  in  the  quality 
of  a  groom ;  and  in  this  disguise  passed 
through  a  part  of  the  Parliament  forces.  After 
infinite  fatigue,  many  romantic  adventures,  and 
the  most  imminent  risk  of  discoverv,   he  at 


274  WAR  IN  SCOTLAND. 


length  escaped  by  sea,  and  for  eight  years  con- 
tinued to  wander  from  one  foreign  court  to 
another,  a  poor,  neglected,  and  insulted  adven- 
turer, claimant  of  thrones  which  he  seemed 
destined  never  to  possess. 

The  defeat  at  Worcester,  was  a  death-blow  to 
the  resistance  of  the  King's  party  in  Scotland. 
The  Parliament,  driven  from  Stirling  to  the 
Highlands,  endeavoured  in  vain  to  assemble 
new  forces.  The  English  troops,  after  Crom- 
well's departure,  were  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Monk,  who  now  began  to 
make  a  remarkable  figure  in  those  times.  He 
was  a  gentleman  of  good  birth,  had  been  in 
arms  for  the  King's  service,  but  being  made 
prisoner,  had  finally  embraced  the  party  of  the 
Parliament,  and  fought  for  them  in  Ireland. 
He  was  accounted  a  brave  and  skilful  comman- 
der, totally  free  from  the  spirit  of  fanaticism  so 
general  in  the  army  of  Cromwell,  and  a  man  of 
deep  sagacity,  and  a  cold  reserved  temper. 
Under  Monk's  conduct,  seconded  by  that  of 
Overton,  Alured,  and  other  parliamentary  offi- 
cers, the  cities,  castles,  and  fortresses  of  Scot- 
land were  reduced  one  after  another.  The  par- 
tial resistance  of  the  wealthy  seaport  of  Durtdee, 
in  particular,  was  punished  with  the  extremi- 
ties of  fire  and  sword,  so  that  other  towns  be- 
came terrified,  and  surrendered  without  oppo- 
sition. 

The  castle  of  Dunottar,  in  Kincardineshire, 
the  hereditary  fortress  of  the  Earls  Marischal, 
made  an  honourable  defence  under  .Jolm  Ogil- 
vy  of  Barras.     It  is  situated  upon  a  rock,  al- 


PRESERVATION  OF  THE  SCOTTISH  REGALIA.    275 

most  separated  from  the  land  by  a  deep  ravine 
on  the  one  side,  and  overhanging  the  ocean  on 
the  other.  In  this  strong  fortress  the  Honours 
of  Scotland,  as  they  were  called,  had  been  de- 
posited after  the  battle  of  Dunbar.  These  were 
the  crown,  sceptre,  and  sword  of  state,  the 
symbols  of  Scottish  sovereignty,  which  were 
regarded  by  the  nation  with  peculiar  venera- 
tion. The  terror  was  great  lest  pledges,  with 
which  the  national  honour  was  so  intimately 
connected,  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  foreign 
schismatics  and  republicans.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  English,  ardently  desirous  to  possess 
themselves  of  these  trophies,  (the  rather  that 
they  had  formed  a  disproportioned  idea  of  their 
intrinsic  value,)  besieged  the  castle  closely,  and 
blockaded  it  by  sea  and  land. 

As  their  provisions  began  to  fail,  the  Gover- 
nor foresaw  that  farther  defence  must  speedily 
become  impossible  ;  and,  with  the  assistance 
of  Mr.  Granger,  minister  of  KinnefF,  he  formed 
a  stratagem  for  securing  the  ancient  and  vene- 
rable regalia  from  the  dishonour  which  threat- 
ened them.  The  first  preparation  was  to 
spread  a  report,  that  these  national  treasures 
had  been  carried  abroad  by  Sir  John  Keith,  a 
younger  son  of  the  Earl  Marischal,  ancestor  of 
the  family  of  Kintore. 

Mrs.  Granger,  the  ministers  wife,  was  the 
principal  agent  in  the  subsequent  part  of  the 
scheme.  Having  obtained  of  the  English  gene- 
ral the  permission  to  bring  out  of  the  castle 
some  hards  (or  bundles)  oflint,  which  she  said 
was  her  property,  she  had  the  courage  and  ad- 


276  PRESERVATION  OF  THE  fSCOTTISH  REGALIA. 

dress  to  conceal  the  regalia  witliin  the  hards  of 
lint,  and  carried  them  boldly  through  the 
English  camp,  at  the  risk  of  much  ill  usage, 
had  she  been  discovered  in  an  attempt  to  de- 
prive the  greedy  soldiery  of  their  prey.  She 
played  her  part  so  boldly,  that  she  imposed  on 
the  general  himself,  who  courteously  saluted 
her,  and  helped  her  to  mount  on  horseback  as 
she  left  the  encampment,  little  guessing  with 
what  a  valuable  part  of  his  expected  booty  she 
was  loaded  at  the  moment.  Arriving  with  her 
precious  charge  at  KinnefF,  the  minister  buried 
the  relics  of  royalty  under  the  pulpit  of  his 
church,  and  visited  them  from  time  to  time,  in 
order  to  wrap  them  in  fresh  packages,  and  pre- 
serve them  from  injury. 

Suspicion  attached  to  the  Governor  of  Du' 
nottar  ;  and  when  the  castle  was  finally  surren- 
dered, for  want  of  provisions,  he  was  rigorous- 
ly dealt  with,  imprisoned,  and  even  tortured, 
to  make  him  discover  where  the  regalia  were 
concealed.  His  lady,  who  had  been  active  in 
the  stratagem,  was  subjected  to  similar  severi- 
ties, as  vvcrc  also  the  minister  of  Kinneff  and 
his  courageous  spouse.  All,  hoAvever,  per- 
sisted in  keeping  the  secret.  Rewards  were 
distribulcd,  after  the  Restoration,  to  those  who 
had  been  concerned  in  saving  the  Honours,  but 
they  do  not  appear  to  have  been  very  accu- 
rately accommodated  to  the  merits  of  the  par- 
ties. "  Sir  John  Keith,  whose  name  had  only 
been  used  in  the  transaction  as  a  blind,  was 
created  Earl  of  Kintore,  and  Ogilvy  was  made 
a  baronet :  but  the  courageous  minister,  with 


RESISTANCE  TO  TIIK   ENGLISH.  2T7 

his  heroic  wife,  were  only  rewarded  with  a  pen- 
sion in  money. 

The  towns  and  castles  of  Scotland  being  thus 
reduced,  the  national  resistance  of  the  natiA'es 
was  confined  to  a  petty  warfare,  which  small 
bands  carried  on,  who  lurked  among  the  moun- 
tains and  morasses,  and  took  every  advantage 
which  these  aflforded  to  annoy  the  English 
troops,  and  cut  ofi'  small  parties,  or  straggling 
soldiers.  These  were  called  Moss-troopers, 
from  a  word  formerly  appropriated  to  the  free- 
booters of  the  Border. 

But  the  English,  who  observed  a  most  rigid 
discipline,  Avere  not  much  in  danger  of  suffer- 
ing from  such  desultory  efforts  ;  and  as  they 
seldom  spared  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  skir- 
mishes, the  Scots  found  themselves  obliged  to 
submit,  for  the  first  time,  to  an  invader  more 
fortunate  than  all  the  preceding  sovereigns  of 
England.  Their  resistance  ceased,  but  their 
hatred  watched  for  a  safer  opportunity  of 
vengeance. 

The  Highlanders,  however,  being  strong  in 
the  character  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants, 
continued  refractory  to  the  English  authority, 
and  if  the  soldiery  ventured  to  go  through  the 
country  alone,  or  in  small  parties,  they  were 
sure  to  be  surprised  and  slain,  without  its  being 
possible  to  discover  the  actors.  The  English 
officers  endeavoured  to  obtain  from  the  neigh- 
bouring chiefs,  who  pretended  complete  igno- 
rance of  these  transactions,  such  redress  as 
the  case  admitted  of,  but  iheir  endeavours  were 
in  general  ingeniously  eluded. 

Vol.  I.  24" 


278  THE  PROTECTORATE. 

For  example,  an  English  garrison  had  lost 
cattle,  horses,  and  even  men,  by  the  incm-sion 
of  a  Highland  clan  who  had  their  residence  in 
the  neighbouring  mountains,  so  that  the  in- 
censed governor  demanded  peremptorily,  that 
the  actors  of  these  depredations  should  be  de- 
livered up  to  him  to  suffer  punishment.  The 
Chief  was  in  no  condition  to  resist,  but  was  not 
the  less  unwilling  to  deliver  up  the  men  actu- 
ally concerned  in  the  creagh,  who  were  proba- 
bly the  boldest,  or,  as  it  was  then  termed,  the 
prettiest,  men  of  his  name.  To  get  easily  out 
of  the  dilemma,  he  is  said  to  have  picked  up 
two  or  three  old  creatures,  past  all  exertion, 
whom  he  sent  down  to  the  English  command- 
ant, as  if  they  had  been  the  caterans  or  plun- 
derers whom  he  wanted.  The  English  officer 
caused  them  instantly  to  be  hanged  in  terrO' 
rem,  which  was  done  accordingly,  no  protesta- 
tions which  they  might  have  made  of  their  inno- 
cence being  understood  or  attended  to.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  other  refractory  chiefs  found  more 
justifiable  means  of  preserving  their  authority. 

In  the  mean  time,  Oliver  Cromwell  accom- 
plished an  extraordinary  revolution  in  Eng- 
land, which  I  can  here  but  barely  touch  upon. 
He  and  his  Council  of  Officers,  who  had  so 
often  offered  violence  to  the  Parliament,  by  ex- 
cluding from  the  sittings  such  members  as 
were  obnoxious  to  them,  now  resolved  alto- 
gether to  destroy  the  very  remnant  of  its  ex-' 
istence.  For  tliis  purpose,  Cromwell  came  to 
tlie  House  while  it  was  sitting,  told  them,  in  a 
violent  manner,  that  they  were  no  longer  a  Par- 


THE  PROTECTORATE.  279 

liament,  and  upbraiding  several  individuals 
with  injurious  names,  he  called  in  a  body  of 
soldiers,  and  commanded  one  of  them  to  "take 
away  that  bauble,"  meaning  the  silver  mace, 
which  is  an  emblem  of  the  authority  of  the 
House.  Then  turning  the  members  forcibly 
out  of  the  hall,  he  locked  the  doors,  and  thus 
dissolved  that  memorable  body,  which  had 
made  war  against  the  Piling,  defeated,  de- 
throned, and  beheaded  him,  yet  sunk  at  once 
under  the  autlxorily  of  one  of  their  own  mem- 
bers, and  an  officer  of  their  own  naming,  who 
had,  in  the  beginning  of  these  struggles,  been 
regarded  as  a  man  of  very  mean  consideration. 
Oliver  Cromwell  now  seized  the  supreme  power 
into  his  hands,  with  the  title  of  Protector  of 
the  Republics  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
under  which  he  governed  these  islands  till 
his  death,  with'  authority  more  ample  than 
was  ever  possessed  by  any  of  their  lawful 
monarchs. 

The  confusion  which  the  usurpation  of 
Cromwell  was  expected  to  have  occasioned  in 
England,  determined  the  Royalists  to  attempt 
a  general  rising,  in  which  it  was  expected  that 
great  part  of  the  Highland  chieftains  would  join. 
The  successes  of  Montrose  were  remembered, 
although  it  seems  to  have  been  forgotten  that 
it  was  more  his  own  genius,  than  his  means, 
that  enabled  him  to  attain  them. 

The  Earl  of  Glencairn  v/as  placed  by  the 
King's  commission  at  the  head  of  the  insurrec- 
tion ;  he  Vv'as  joined  by  the  Earl  of  Athole,  by 
tlic  son  of  the  Iieroic  3iontro3c,  bv  Lord  Lorn, 


280  glencairn's  rising. 

the  son  of  the  Marquis  of  Argyle,  and  other 
nobles.  A  romantic  young  English  cavalier, 
named  Wogan,  joined  this  insurgent  army  at 
the  head  of  a  body  of  eighty  horse,  whom  he 
brought  by  a  toilsome  and  dangerous  march 
through  England  and  the  Low  Countries  of 
Scotland.  This  gallant  troop  was  frequently 
engaged  with  the  Republican  forces,  and  parti- 
cularly with  a  horse  regiment,  called  "  the 
Brazen  Wall,"  from  their  never  having  been 
broken.  Wogan  defeated,  however,  a  party  of 
these  invincibles,  but  received  several  wounds, 
which,  though  not  of  themselves  mortal,  be- 
came so  for  want  of  good  surgeons  ;  and  thus, 
in  an  obscure  skirmish,  ended  the  singular  ca- 
reer of  an  enthusiastic  Royalist. 

The  army  under  Glencairn  increased  to  five 
thousand  men,  numbers  much  greater  than 
Montrose  usually  commanded.  Their  com- 
mander, however,  though  a  brave  and  accom- 
plished nobleman,  seems  to  have  been  deficient 
in  military  skill,  or,  at  any  rate,  in  the  art  of 
securing  the  good-will  and  obedience  of  the 
various  chiefs  and  nobles  who  acted  under  him. 
It  was  in  vain  that  Charles,  to  reconcile  their 
feuds,  sent  over,  as  their  commander-in-chief. 
General  Middleton,  who,  after  having  fought 
against  Montrose  in  the  cause  of  the  Covenant, 
had  at  length  become  an  entire  Royalist,  and  was 
trusted  as  such.  But  his  military  talents  were 
not  adequate  to  surmount  the  objections  which 
were  made  to  his  obscure  origin,  and  the  ditfi- 
culties  annexed  to  his  situation. 

General   Middleton   had  but   an  indifferent 


glencairn's  rising.  281 

welcome  to  the  Highland  army,  by  the  follow- 
ing scene  which  took  place  at  an  entertainment 
given  by  him  on  taking  the  command.  Glen- 
cairn  had  spoken  something  in  praise  of  the 
men  he  had  assembled  for  the  King's  service, 
especially  the  Highlanders.  In  reply,  up  start- 
ed Sir  George  Munro,  who,  having  been  trained 
in  the  wars  of  Germany,  despised  all  irregular 
troops,  and  flatly  swore  that  the  men  of  whom 
the  Earl  thus  boasted,  were  a  pack  of  thieves 
and  robbers,  whose  place  he  hoped  to  supply 
with  very  different  soldiers.  Glengary,  a  High- 
land chief,  who  was  present,  arose  to  resent 
this  insolent  language  ;  but  Glencairn,  prevent- 
ing him,  replied  to  Munro,  "  You  are  a  base 
liar ! — these  men  are  neither  thieves  nor  rob- 
bers, but  gallant  gentlemen,  and  brave  sol- 
diers." 

In  spite  of  Middleton's  attempts  to  preserve 
peace,  this  altercation  led  to  a  duel.  They 
fought  on  horseback,  first  with  pistols,  and 
then  with  broadswords.  Sir  George  Munro, 
having  received  a  wound  on  the  bridle-hand, 
called  to  the  Earl  that  he  was  unable  to  com- 
mand his  horse,  and  therefore  desired  to  conti- 
nue the  contest  on  foot.  "  You  base  churl," 
answered  Glencairn,  ^*  I  will  match  you  on  foot 
or  on  horseback."  Both  dismounted,  and  en- 
countered fiercely  on  foot,  with  their  broad- 
swords, when  Munro  received  a  wound  across 
his  forehead,  from  which  the  blood  flowed  so 
fast  into  his  eyes,  that  he  could  not  see  to  con- 
tinue the  combat.  Glencairn  was  about  to 
thrust  his  enemy  through  the  bodv,  when  the 
24* 


283  EXPLOITS  OF  EVAN  DHU, 


Earl's  servant  struck  up  the  point  of  his  mas- 
ter's sword,  saying,  "  You  have  enough  of  him, 
my  lord — you  have  gained  the  day."  Glen- 
cairn,  still  in  great  anger,  struck  the  intrusive 
peace-maker  over  the  shoulders,  but  returned 
to  his  quarters,  where  he  was  shortly  after  laid 
under  arrest,  by  order  of  the  General. 

Ere  this  quarrel  was  composed,  one  Captain 
Livingstone,  a  friend  of  Munro,  debated  the 
justice  of  the  question  so  keenly  with  a  gentle- 
man, named  Lindsay,  that  they  must  needs 
light  a  duel  also,  in  which  Lindsay  killed  Li- 
vingstone on  the  spot.  General  Middleton,  in 
spite  of  Glencairn's  intercessions,  ordered 
Lindsay  to  be  executed  by  martial  law,  on 
which  Glencairn  left  the  army  with  his  own 
immediate  followers,  and  soon  after  returning 
to  the  Lowlands,  made  peace  with  the  English. 
His  example  was  followed  by  most  of  the  Low- 
land nobles,  who  grew  impatient  of  long 
marches,  Highland  quarters,  and  obscure  skir- 
mishes, which  were  followed  by  no  important 
result., 

Middleton  still  endeavoured  to  keep  the  war 
alive,  although  Cromwell  had  sent  additional 
forces  into  the  Highlands.  At  length  he  sus- 
tained a  defeat  at  Loch-Gary,  26th  July,  1654, 
after  which  his  army  dispersed,  and  he  himself 
retired  abroad.  The  English  forces  then 
marched  through  the  Highlands,  and  compelled 
the  principal  clans  to  submit  to  the  authority 
of  the  Protector.  And  here  I  may  give  you 
an  account  of  one  individual  chieftain,  of  great 
celebrity  at  that  time,  since  you  will  learn  bet- 


CHIEF  OF  THE  CAMERONS.  HS'S 

ter  the  character  of  that  primitive  race  of  men 
from  personal  anecdotes,  than  from  details  of 
obscm-e  and  petty  contests,  fought  at  places 
with  unpronounceable  names. 

Evan  Cameron  of  Lochiel,  chief  of  the  nu- 
merous and  powerful  clan  of  Cameron,  was 
born  in  1629.  He  was  called  MacConnuill 
Dhu,  (the  son  of  Black  Donald,)  from  the  pa- 
tronymic that  marked  his  descent,  and  Evan 
Dhu,  or  Black  Evan,  a  personal  epithet  derived 
from  his  own  complexion.  Young  Lochiel  was 
bred  up  under  the  directions  of  the  Marquis  of 
Argyle,  and  was  in  attendance  on  that  noble- 
man, who  regarded  him  as  a  hostage  for  the 
peaceable  behaviour  of  his  clan.  It  is  said^ 
that  in  the  civil  war  the  young  chief  was  con- 
verted to  the  side  of  the  King  by  the  exhorta- 
tions of  Sir  Robert  Spottiswood,  then  in  prison 
at  St.  Andrews,  and  shortly  afterwards  exe- 
cuted, as  we  have  elsewhere  noticed,  for  his 
adherence  to  Montrose. 

Evan  Dhu,  having  embraced  these  principles, 
was  one  of  the  first  to  join  in  the  insurrection 
of  1652,  of  which  I  have  just  given  a  short 
account.  During  the  best  part  of  two  years 
he  was  always  with  his  clan,  in  the  very  front 
of  battle,  and  behaved  gallantly  in  the  various 
skirmishes  which  took  place.  He  was  com- 
pelled, however,  on  one  occasion,  to  withdraw 
from  the  main  body,  from  learning  that  the 
English  were  approaching  Lochaber,  with  the 
purpose  of  laying  waste  the  country  of  Lochiel. 
He  hastened  thither  to  protect  his  own  pos- 
sessions, and  those  of  his  clan. 


284  EXPLOITS  OF  EVAN  DHU, 


On  returning  to  his  estates,  Locliiel  had  the 
mortification  to  find  that  the  English  had  es- 
tablished a  garrison  at  Inverlochy,  with  the 
purpose  of  reducing  to  submission  the  Royalist 
clans  in  the  neighbourhood,  particularly  his 
own,  and  the  MacDonalds  of  Glengary  and 
Keppoch.  He  resolved  to  keep  a  strict  watch 
on  their  proceedings,  and,  dismissing  the  rest 
of  his  followers,  whom  he  had  not  means  of 
maintaining  without  attracting  attention  to  his 
motions,  he  lay  in  the  woods  with  about  fifty 
chosen  men,  within  a  few  miles  of  Inverlochy. 

It  was  the  constant  policy  of  Cromwell  and 
his  officers,  both  in  Ireland  and  Scotland,  to  cut 
down  and  destroy  the  forests  in  which  the 
insurgent  natives  found  places  of  defence  and 
concealment.  In  conformity  with  this  general 
rule,  the  commandant  of  Inverlochy  embarked 
three  hundred  men  in  two  light-armed  vessels, 
with  directions  to  disembark  at  a  place  called 
Achdalew,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  Lo- 
chiel's  cattle  and  felling  his  woods. 

Lochiel,  who  watched  their  motions  closely, 
saw  the  English  soldiers  come  ashore,  one  half 
having  hatchets  and  other  tools  as  a  working 
party,  the  otlijer  half  under  arms,  to  protect 
their  operations.  Though  the  difference  of 
numbers  was  so  great,  the  chieftain  vowed  that 
he  would  make  the  red  soldier  (so  the  English 
were  called  from  their  uniform)  pay  dear  for 
every  bullock  or  tree  which  he  should  destroy 
on  the  black  soldier's  property,  (alluding  to 
the  dark  colour  of  the  tartan,  and  perhaps  to 
his  own  complexion.)     He  then  demanded  of 


CHIEF  OF  THE  CAMERON'S.  285 

some  of  his  followers,  who  had  served  under 
Montrose,  whether  they  had  ever  seen  the 
Great  Marquis  encounter  with  such  unequal 
numbers.  They  answered,  they  could  recollect 
no  instance  of  such  temerity.  "  We  will  fight, 
nevertheless,"  said  Evan  Dhu,  "  and  if  each  of 
us  kill  a  man,  which  is  no  mighty  matter,  I  will 
answer  for  the  event. 

That  his  family  might  not  be. destroyed  in 
so  doubtful  an  enterprise,  he  ordered  his 
brother  Allan  to  be  bound  to  a  tree,  meaning 
to  prevent  his  interference  in  the  conflict. 
But  Allan  prevailed  on  a  little  boy,  who  was 
left  to  attend  him,  to  unloose  the  cords,  and 
was  soon  as  deep  in  the  fight  as  Evan  himself. 

The  Camerons,  concealed  by  the  trees,  ad- 
vanced so  close  on  the  enemy  as  to  pour  on 
them  an  unexpected  and  destructive  shower  of 
shot  and  arrows,  which  slew  thirty  men  ;  and 
ere  they  could  recover  themselves  from  their 
surprise,  the  Highlanders  were  in  the  midst  of 
them,  laying  about  them  with  incredible  fury 
with  their  ponderous  swords  and  axes.  After 
a  gallant  resistance,  the  mass  of  the  English 
began  to  retire  towards  their  vessels,  when 
Evan  Dhu  commanded  a  piper  and  a  small 
party  to  go  betwixt  the  enemy  and  their  barks, 
and  there  sound  his  pibroch  and  war-cry,  till 
their  clamour  made  it  seem  there  was  another 
body  of  Highlanders  in  ambush  to  cut  off  their 
retreat.  The  English,  driven  to  fury  and 
despair  b^^  this  new  alarm,  turned  back,  like 
brave  men,  upon  the  first  assailants,  and,  if  the 
working  party  had  possessed  military  weapons, 


286  EXPLOITS  OF  EVAN  DHU, 

Lochiel  might  have  had  little  reason  to  con- 
gratulate himself  on  the  result  of  this  audacious 
stratagem. 

He  himself  had  a  personal  rencontre,  strongly- 
characteristic  of  the  ferocity  of  the  times.  The 
chief  was  singled  out  by  an  English  officer  of 
great  personal  strength,  and,  as  they  were  sepa- 
rated from  the  general  strife,  they  fought  in 
single  combat  for  some  time.  Lochiel  was 
dexterous  enough  to  disarm  the  Englishman ; 
but  his  gigantic  adversary  suddenly  closed  on 
him,  and  in  the  struggle  which  ensued  both 
fell  to  the  ground,  the  officer  uppermost.  He 
was  in  the  act  of  grasping  at  his  sword,  which 
lay  near  the  place  where  they  lay  in  deadly 
struggle,  and  was  naturally  extending  his  neck 
in  the  same  direction,  when  the  Highland  chief, 
making  a  desperate  effijrt,  grasped  his  enemy 
by  the  collar,  and  snatching  with  his  teeth  at 
the  bare  and  out-stretched  throat,  he  seized  it 
as  a  wild-cat  might  have  done,  and  kept  his 
hold  so  fast  as  to  tear  out  the  windpipe.  The 
officer  died  in  this  singular  manner.  Lochiel 
was  eo  far  from  disowning,  or  being  ashamed 
of  this  extraordinary  mode  of  defence,  that  he 
was  afterwards  heard  to  say,  it  was  the  sweetest 
morsel  he  had  ever  tasted. 

When  Lochiel,  thus  extricated  from  the 
most  imminent  danger,  was  able  to  rejoin  his 
men,  he  found  they  had  not  only  pursued  the 
English  to  the  beach,  but  even  into  the  sea, 
cutting  and  stabbing  wliomsocver  they  could 
overtake.  He  himself  advanced  till  he  was 
chin-deep,  and  observing  a  man  on  board  one 


CHIEF  OF  THE  CAMERONS.  287 

of  the  armed  vessels  take  aim  at  him  with  a 
musket,  he  dived  his  head  under  the  water, 
escaping  so  narrowly  that  the  bullet  grazed  his 
head.  Another  marksman  was  foiled  by  the 
affection  of  the  chief's  foster-brother,  who 
threw  himself  betwixt  the  Englishman  and  the 
object  of  his  aim,  and  was  killed  by  the  ball  de- 
signed for  his  lord. 

Having  cut  off  a  second  party,  who  ventured 
to  sally  from  the  fort,  and  thus,  as  he  thought, 
sufficiently  chastised  the  garrison  of  Inver- 
lochy,  Lochiel  again  joined  Middleton,  but  was 
soon  recalled  to  Lochaber  by  new  acts  of  de- 
vastation. Leaving  most  of  his  men  with  the 
Royalist  General,  Evan  Dhu  returned  with 
such  speed  and  secrecy,that  he  again  surprised  a 
strong  party  when  in  the  act  of  felling  his  woods, 
and  assaulting  them  suddenly,  killed  on  the  spot 
a  hundred  men,  and  all  the  officers,  driving 
the  rest  up  to  the  very  walls  of  the  garrison. 

IVIiddleton's  army  being  disbanded,  it  was 
long  fere  Lochiel  could  bring  himself  to  accept 
of  peace  from  the  hands  of  the  English.  He 
continued  to  harass  them  by  attacks  on  de- 
tached parties  who  straggled  from  the  fort, — 
on  the  officers  who  went  out  into  the  woods  in 
hunting-parties, — on  the  engineer  officers,  who 
were  sent  to  survey  the  Highlands,  of  whom  he 
made  a  large  party  prisoners,  and  confined 
them  in  a  desolate  island,  on  a  small  lake, 
called  Loch  Ortuigg. 

By  such  exploits  he  rendered  himself  so 
troublesome,  that  the  English  v/ere  desirous  to 
have  peace  with  him  on  any  moderate  terms. 


288  EXPLOITS  OF  EVAN  DHU, 

Their  overtures  were  at  first  rejbcted,  Evan 
Dhu  returning  for  answer,  that  he  would  not 
abjure  the  King's  authority,  even  though  the  al- 
ternative was  to  be  his  living  in  the  condition 
of  an  exile  and  outlaw.  But  when  it  was  hint- 
ed to  him  that  this  would  not  be  required,  but 
that  he  ^vas  only  desired  to  live  in  peace  under 
the  existing  government,  he  made  his  submis- 
sion to  the  existing  powers  with  much  solemnity. 

Lochiel  came  down  at  the  head  of  his  whole 
clan  in  arms,  to  the  garrison  of  Inverlochy. 
The  English  forces  being  drawn  up  in  a  line 
opposite  to  them,  the  Camerons  laid  down 
their  arms  in  the  name  of  King  Charles,  and 
took  them  up  again  in  that  of  the  States, 
without  any  mention  of  Cromwell.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  honourable  treaty,  the  last 
Scotsman  who  maintained  the  cause  of  Charles 
Stewart  submitted  to  the  authority  of  the  re- 
public. 

It  is  related  of  this  remarkable  chieftain, 
that  he  slew  with  his  own  hand  the  last  wolf 
that  was  ever  seen  in  the  Highlands  of  Scot- 
land. Another  anecdote  is  recorded  of  him 
by  tradition.  Being  benighted,  on  some  party 
for  the  battle  or  the  chase,  Evan  Dhu  laid  him- 
self down  with  his  followers  to  sleep  in  the 
snow.  As  he  composed  himself  to  rest,  he  ob- 
served that  one  of  his  sons,  or  nephews,  had 
rolled  together  a  great  snow-ball,  on  which  he 
deposited  his  head.  Indignant  at  what  he  con- 
sidered as  a  mark  of  elleminacy,  he  started  up 
and  kicked  the  snow-ball  from  under  the  sleep- 
er's head,  exclaiming, — "  Are  you  become  so 


CHIEr  OF  THE  CAMERON'S.  299 

luxurious  that  you  cannot  sleep  without  a 
pillow  ?" 

After  the  accession  of  James  II.,  Lochiel 
came  to  court  to  obtain  pardon  for  one  of  his 
clan,  who  fired  by  mistake  on  a  body  of  Athole 
men,  and  killed  several.  He  was  received 
with  the  most  honourable  distinction,  and  his 
request  granted.  The  King  desiring  to  make 
him  a  knight,  asked  of  the  chieftain  for  his 
own  sword,  in  order  to  render  the  ceremony 
still  more  peculiar.  Lochiel  had  ridden  up 
from  Scotland,  being  then  the  only  mode  of 
travelling,  and  a  constant  rain  had  so  rusted 
his  trusty  broadsword,  that  at  the  moment  no 
man  could  have  unsheathed  it.  Lochiel,  af- 
fronted at  the  idea  which  the  courtiers  might 
conceive  from  his  not  being  able  to  draw  his 
own  sword,  burst  into  tears. 

"  Do  not  regard  it,  my  faithful  friend,"  said 
King  James,  with  ready  courtesy — "  your 
sword  would  have  left  the  scabbard  of  itself, 
had  the  Royal  cause  required  it." 

"With  that  he  bestowed  the  intended  honour 
with  his  own  sword,  which  he  presented  to  the 
new  knight  as  soon  as  the  ceremony  was  per- 
formed. 

Sir  Evan  Dhu  supported,  for  the  last  time, 
the  cause  of  the  Stewart  family  in  the  battle  of 
Killiecrankie.  After  that  civil  strife  was  end- 
ed,  he  grew  old  in  peace,  and  survived  until 
1719,  aged  about  ninety,  and  so  much  deprived 
of  his  strength  and  faculties,  that  this  once 
formidable  warrior  was  fed  like  an  infant,  and 
like  an  infant  rocked  in  a  cradle. 

Vol.  I  26 


[     290     ] 


CHAP.  XIV. 

Administration  of  Public  Justice  in  Scotland, 
under  Cromwell — Heavy  Taxes  imposed  by 
him — Church  affairs — Resolutionists  and 
Remonstrators —  Tria  Is  for  Witchcraft. 

We  will  now  take  a  general  glance  of  Scot- 
land, reduced  as  the  country  was  to  temporary 
submission  under  Cromwell,  whose  power 
there  and  elsewhere  was  founded  upon  military 
usurpation  only.  He  built  strong  citadels  at 
Leith,  Air,  Inverness,  and  Glasgow.  Eighteen 
garrisons  were  maintained  through  the  king- 
dom at  large,  and  a  standing  army  of  ten  thou- 
sand men  kept  the  natives  in  subjection. — 
Monk,  so  often  mentioned,  commanded  this 
army,  and  was,  besides,  member  of  a  Council 
of  State,  to  whom  the  executive  government 
was  committed.  Lord  Broghill  was  President 
of  this  body,  and  out  of  nine  members,  two 
only,  Swinton  and  Lockhart,  were  natives  of 
Scotland. 

To  regulate  the  administration  of  public  jus- 
tice, four  English,  and  three  Scottish  judges, 
were  appointed  to  hear  causes,  and  to  make 
circuits  for  that  purpose.  The  English  judges, 
it  may  be  supposed,  were  indifferent  lawyers  ; 
but  they  distributed  justice  with  an  impartiali- 
ty, to  which  the  Scottish  nation  had  been  en- 
tirely a  stranger,  and  which  ceased  to  be  expe- 
rienced when  the  native  judges  were  again  re- 
•tored  after  the  Restoration.      The  peculiar 


ADMINISTRATION   OF  JU3TICB.  291 

rectitude  of  the  men  employed  by  Cromwell 
being  pointed  out  to  a  learned  judge,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  next  century,  his  lordship 
composedly  answered,  "  Devil  thank  them  for 
their  impartiality  !  a  pack  of  kinless  loons — 
for  my  part,  I  can  never  see  a  cousin  or  friend 
in  the  wrong." 

This  shameful  partiality  in  the  Scottish 
courts  of  justice  revived,  as  just  noticed,  with 
the  Restoration,  when  the  judges  were  to  be 
gained,  not  only  by  the  solicitation  of  private 
friends,  and  by  the  influence  of  kinsfolks,  but 
by  the  interference  of  persons  in  power,  and 
the  application  of  downright  bribery. 

In  point  of  taxation,  Oliver  Cromwell's 
Scottish  government  was  intolerably  oppres- 
sive, since  he  appears  to  have  screwed  out  of 
that  miserable  country  an  assessment  of  10,O0OZ. 
per  month,  which,  even  when  gradually  dimin- 
ished to  72,000  pounds  yearly,  was  paid  with 
the  utmost  difficulty.  Some  alleviation  was  in- 
deed introduced  by  the  circulation  of  the  mo- 
ney with  which  England  paid  her  soldiers  and 
civil  establishment,  which  Avas  at  one  time  cal- 
culated at  half  a  million  yearly,  and  was  never 
beneath  the  moiety  of  that  sum. 

With  regard  to  the  church,  Cromwell  pru- 
dently foresaw,  that  the  consequence  of  the 
preachers  would  gradually  diminish  if  they 
were  permitted  to  abuse  each  other,  but  pre- 
vented from  stirring  up  their  congregations  to 
arras.  They  continued  to  be  rent  asunder  by 
the  recent  discord  which  had  followed  upon 
the  King's  death.     The   majority  were  Reso- 


293  CHURCH  AFFAIRS. 

lutionists,  who  owned  the  King's  title,  and 
would  not  be  prohibited  from  praying  for  him 
at  any  risk.  The  Remonstrants,  who  had 
never  been  able  to  see  any  sufficient  reason  for 
embracing  the  cause,  or  acknowledging  the 
title,  of  Charles  the  Second,  yielded  obedience 
to  the  English  government,  and  disowned  all 
notice  of  the  King  in  their  public  devotions. 
The  Independents  treated  both  with  contempt- 
uous indifference,  and  only  imposed  on  them 
the  necessity  of  observing  toleration  towards 
each  other. 

But  though  divided  into  different  classes, 
Presbyterianism  continued  on  the  whole  pre- 
dominant. The  temper  of  the  Scottish  nation 
seemed  altogether  indisposed  to  receive  any  of 
the  various  sects  which  had  proved  so  prolific 
in  England.  The  quiet  and  harmless  Quakers 
were  the  only  sectaries  who  gained  some  prose- 
lytes of  distinction.  Independents  of  other 
deneminations  made  small  progress,  owing  to 
the  vigilance  with  which  the  Presbyterian  cler- 
gy maintained  the  unity  of  the  Church. 

Even  Cromwell  was  compelled  to  show  de- 
ference to  the  prevailing  opinions.  He  named 
a  commission  of  about  thirty  ministers  from  the 
class  of  Remonstrators,  and  declared  that  with- 
out certificates  from  three  or  four  of  these  se- 
lect persons,  no  minister,  though  he  might  be 
called  to  a  church,  should  enjoy  a  stipend.  This 
put  the  keys  of  the  Church  (so  far  as  emolu- 
ment was  concerned)  entirely  into  the  hand« 
of  the  Presbyterians;  and  it  may  be  presumed, 
fiiat  such  of  the  Commissioners  as  acted  (for 


STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  293 

many  declined  the  office,  thinking  the  duties  of 
the  Ecclesiastical  Commission  too  much  resem- 
bled Episcopacy)  took  care  to  admit  no  minis- 
ter whose  opinions  did  not  coincide  with  their 
own.  The  sectaries  who  were  concerned  in 
civil  affairs,  were  also  thwarted  and  contemned; 
and  on  the  whole,  in  spite  of  the  victories  of 
the  Independents  in  the  field,  their  doctrines 
made  little  progress  in  Scotland. 

During  the  four  years  w^hich  ensued  betwixt 
the  final  cessation  of  the  Civil  War,  by  the 
dispersion  of  the  royalist  army,  and  the  Res- 
toration of  Monarchy,  there  occurred  no  pub- 
lic event  worthy  of  notice.  The  spirit  of  the 
country  was  depressed  and  broken.  The  nobles, 
who  hitherto  had  yielded  but  imperfect  obedi- 
ence to  their  native  monarchs,  were  now  com- 
pelled to  crouch  under  the  rod  of  an  English 
usurper.  Most  of  them  retired  to  their  coun- 
try seats,  or  castles,  and  lived  in  obscurity,  en- 
joying such  limited  dominion  over  their  vassals 
as  the  neighbourhood  of  the  English  garrisons 
permitted  them  to  retain.  These,  of  course, 
prevented  all  calling  of  the  people  to  arms, 
and  exercise  of  the  privilege,  on  the  part 
of  the  barons,  of  making  open  war  on  each 
other. 

Thus  far  the  subjection  of  the  country  was 
of  advantage  to  the  tenantry  and  lower  class- 
es, who  enjoyed  more  peace  and  tranquil- 
lity than  had  been  their  lot  during  the  civil 
wars.  But  the  weight  of  oppressive  taxes,  col- 
lected by  means  of  a  foreign  soldiery,  and  the 
general  sense  of  degradation,  arising  from  their 
25* 


2^4  TRIALS   FOR   WITCHCRAFT. 

subjugation  to  a  foreign  power,  counterba- 
lanced for  the  time  the  diminution  of  feudal  op- 
pression. 

In  the  absence  of  other  matter,  I  may  here 
mention  a  subject  which  is  interesting,  as  pecu- 
liarly characteristic  of  the  manners  of  Scotland. 
I  mean  the  frequent  recurrence  of  prosecutions 
for  witchcraft,  which  distinguishes  this  period. 

Scripture  refers  more  than  once  to  the  exist- 
ence of  witches ;  and  though  divines  have 
doubted  concerning  their  nature  and  character, 
yet  most  European  nations  have  retained  in 
their  statutes,  laws  founded  upon  the  text  of 
Exodus,  "Thou  shalt  not  suffer  a  witch  to  live." 
The  Reformers,  although  rejecting  the  miracles 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  retained  with  tenacity 
the  belief  of  the  existence  of  such  sorceresses, 
and  zealously  enforced  the  penalties  against 
all  unfortunate  creatures  w^hom  they  believed  to 
fall  under  the  description  of  witches,  wdzards, 
or  the  like.  The  increase  of  general  informa- 
tion and  common  sense,  has,  at  a  later  period, 
occasioned  the  annulling  of  those  cruel  law^s  in 
most  countries  of  Europe. 

It  has  been  judiciously  thought,  that,  since 
the  Almighty  has  ceased  to  manifest  his  own 
power  by  direct  and  miraculous  suspension  of 
the  ordinary  laws  of  nature,  it  is  inconsistent 
to  suppose  that  evil  spirits  shoidd  be  left  at 
liberty  to  form  a  league  with  wretched  mortals, 
and  impart  to  them  supernatural  powers  of  in- 
juring or  tormenting  others.  And  the  truth  of 
this  reasoning  has  been  proved  by  the  general 
foct,   that   where   the   laws  ap^ainst   witchcraft 


v*^. 


TRIALS  FOR   Vv  ITCIICRAFT.  296 


have  been  abolished,  witches  are  rarely  heard 
of,  or  thought  of,  even  amongst  the  lowest 
vulgar. 

But  in  the  seventeenth  century,  the  belief  in 
this  imaginary  crime  was  general,  and  the  pro- 
secutions, especially  in  Scotland,  were  very 
frequent.  James  VI.,  who  often  turned  the 
learning  he  had  acquired  to  a  very  idle  use, 
was  at  the  trouble  to  write  a  treatise  against 
witchcraft,  as  he  composed  another  against 
smoking  tobacco  ;  and  the  Presbyterian  clergy, 
however  little  apt  to  coincide  with  that  Mo- 
narch's sentiments,  gave  full  acceptation  to  his 
opinion  on  the  first  point  of  doctrine,  and  very 
many  persons  were  put  to  death  as  guilty  of 
this  imaginary  crime. 

I  must,  however,  observe,  that  some  of  those 
executed  for  witchcraft  well  deserved  their 
fate.  Impostors  of  both  sexes  were  found, 
who  deluded  credulous  persons,  by  pretending 
an  intercourse  with  supernatural  powers,  and 
furnished  those  who  consulted  them  with  po- 
tions, for  the  purpose  of  revenging  themselves 
on  their  enemies,  which  were  in  fact  poisonous 
compounds,  sure  to  prove  fatal  to  those  who 
partook  of  them. 

Among  many  other  instances,  I  may  mention 
that  of  a  lady  of  high  rank,  the  second  wife  of  a 
northern  earl,  who,  being  desirous  of  destroy- 
ing her  husband's  eldest  son  by  the  former 
marriage,  in  order  that  her  own  son  might  suc- 
ceed to  the  father's  title  and  estates,  procured 
drugs  to  effect  her  purpose  from  a  Highland 
woman,   who  pretended  to  be  a  witch  or  sov- 


296  TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT. 

ceress.  The  fatal  ingredients  were  mixed  with 
ale,  and  set  aside  by  the  wicked  countess,  to  be 
given  to  her  victim  on  the  first  fitting  opportu- 
nity. But  Heaven  disappointed  her  purpose, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  inflicted  on  her  a  dread- 
ful punishment.  Her  own  son,  for  whose  ad- 
vantage she  meditated  this  horrible  crime,  re- 
turning fatigued  and  thirsty  from  hunting, 
lighted  by  chance  on  this  fatal  cup  of  liquor, 
drank  it  without  hesitation,  and  died  in  con- 
sequence. 

The  wretched  mixer  of  the  poison  was  tried 
and  executed  ;  but,  although  no  one  could  be 
sorry  that  the  agent  in  such  a  deed  was  brought 
to  punishment,  it  is  clear  she  deserved  death, 
not  as  a  witch,  but  as  one  who  was  an  accom- 
plice in  murder  by  poison. 

But  most  of  the  poor  creatures  who  suffered 
death  for  witchcraft  were  aged  persons,  women 
in  general,  living  alone,  in  a  poor  and  misera- 
ble condition,  and  disposed,  from  the  peevish- 
ness of  age  and  infirmity,  to  rail  against  or  de- 
sire evil,  in  their  froward  humour,  to  neigh- 
bours by  whom  they  were  abused  or  slighted. 
When  such  had  unwittingly  given  vent  to  im- 
potent anger  in  bad  wishes  or  imprecations,  if 
a  child  fell  sick,  a  horse  became  lame,  a  bul- 
lock died,  or  any  other  misfortune  chanced  in 
the  family  against  which  the  ill-will  had  been 
expressed,  it  subjected  the  bitterer  instantly  to 
the  charge  of  witchcraft,  and  was  received  by 
judges  and  jury  as  a  strong  proof  of  guilt.  If, 
in  addition  to  this,  the  miserable  creature  had, 
hy  the  oddity  of  hrr  manners,  the  crossness  of 


TRIALS  FOR   WITCHCRAFT. 


her  temper,  the  habit  of  speaking  to  herself,  or 
any  other  signs  of  the  dotage  which  attends 
comfortless  old  age  and  poverty,  attracted  the 
suspicions  of  her  credulous  neighbours,  she 
Avas  then  said  to  have  been  held  and  reputed  a 
witch,  and  was  rarely  permitted  to  escape  the 
stake. 

It  was  equally  fatal  for  an  aged  person  of 
the  lower  ranks,  if,  as  was  frequently  the  case, 
she  conceived  herself  to  possess  any  peculiar 
receipt  or  ch?.riTi  for  curing  diseases,  either  by 
the  application  of  medicines,  of  w'hich  she  had 
acquired  the  secret,  or  by  repeating  words,  or 
using  spells  and  charms,  which  the  superstition 
of  the  time  supposed  to  have  the  power  of  re- 
lieving maladies  that  were  beyond  the  skill  of 
medical  practitioners. 

Such  a  person  was  held  a  white  wdtch  ;  one, 
that  is,  who  employed  her  skill  for  the  benefit, 
not  th^  harm,  of  her  fellow-creatures.  But 
still  she  was  a  sorceress,  and,  as  such,  was  lia- 
ble to  be  brought  to  the  stake.  Such  a  doc- 
tress  w^as  equally  exposed  to  such  a  charge, 
whether  her  patient  died  or  recovered  ;  and 
she  was,  according  to  circumstances,  condemn- 
ed for  using  sorcery  to  cure  or  to  kill.  Her  alle- 
gation that  she  had  received  the  secret  from 
family  tradition,  or  from  any  other  source,  was 
not  admitted  as  a  defence ;  and  she  was  doomed 
to  death  with  as  little  hesitation  for  having  at- 
tempted to  cure  by  mysterious  and  unlawful 
means,  as  if  she  had  been  charged,  as  in  the 
instance  already  given,  with  having  assisted  to 
f  ommit  murder. 


298  TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT. 

The  following  example  of  such  a  case  is 
worthy  of  notice.  It  rests  on  tradition,  but  is 
very  likely  to  be  true.  An  eminent  English 
judge  was  travelling  the  circuit,  when  an  old 
woman  was  brought  before  him  for  using  a 
spell  to  cure  dimness  of  sight  by  hanging  a 
clew  of  yarn  round  the  neck  of  the  patient. 
Marvellous  things  were  told  by  the  witnesses, 
ofthe  cures  which  this  spell  had  performed  on 
patients,  far  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  medi- 
cine. The  poor  woman  made  no  other  defence 
than  by  protesting,  that  if  there  was  any  witch- 
craft in  the  ball  of  yarn,  she  knew  nothing  of 
it.  It  had  been  given  her,  she  said,  thirty  years 
before,  by  a  young  Oxford  student,  for  the  cure 
of  one  of  her  own  family,  who  having  used  it 
with  advantage,  she  had  seen  no  harm  in  lend- 
ing it  for  the  relief  of  others  who  laboured 
under  similar  infirmity,  or  in  accepting  a  small 
gratuity  for  doing  so. 

Her  defence  was  little  attended  to  by  the 
jury;  but  the  judge  was  much  agitated.  He 
asked  the  woman  where  she  resided  when  she 
obtained  possession  of  this  valuable  relic.  She 
gave  the  name  of  a  village,  in  which  she  had 
In  former  times  kept  a  petty  alehouse.  He 
then  looked  at  the  clew  very  earnestly,  and  at 
length  addressed  the  jury.  "  Gentlemen,"  he 
said,  "we  are  on  the  point  of  committing  a 
great  injustice  to  this  poor  old  woman  ;  and,  to 
j)revent  it,  I  must  puldicly  confess  a  piece  of 
early  folly,  which  does  me  no  honour.  At  the 
lime  this  poor  creature  speaks  of,  I  was  at  col- 
h^ge,  leading  an  idle  and  careless  life,  which, 


.1 


TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT.  299 


had  I  not  been  given  ^race  to  correct  it,  must 
have  made  it  highly  improbable  that  ever  I 
should  have  attained  my  present  situation.  I 
chanced  to  remain  for  a  day  and  night  in  this 
woman's  alehouse,  without  having  money  to 
discharge  my  reckoning.  Not  knowing  what 
to  do,  and  seeing  her  much  occupied  with  a 
child  who  had  weak  eyes,  I  liad  the  meanness 
to  pretend  that  I  could  write  out  a  spell  that 
would  mend  her  daughter's  sight,  if  she  would 
accept  it  instead  of  her  bill.  The  ignorant 
woman  readily  agreed  ;  and  I  scrawled  some 
figures  on  a  piece  of  parchment,  and  added  two 
lines  of  nonsensical  doggrel,  in  ridicule  of  her 
credulity,  and  caused  her  to  make  it  up  in  that 
clew  which  has  so  nearly  cost  her  her  life.  To 
prove  the  truth  of  it,  let  the  yarn  be  unwound, 
and  you  may  judge  of  the  efficacy  of  the  spell." 
The  clew  was  unwound  accordingly  ;  and  this 
pithy  couplet  was  found  on  the  enclosed  bit  of 
parchment — 

"  The  Devil  scratch  out  both  thine  eyes, 
And  spit  into  the  holes  likewise." 

It  was  evident  that  those  who  were  cured  by 
such  a  spell,  must  have  been  indebted  to  nature, 
with  some  assistance,  perhaps,  from  imagina- 
tion. But  the  users  of  such  charms  w^ere  not 
always  so  lucky  as  to  light  upon  the  person 
who  drew  them  up ;  and  many  unfortunate 
creatures  were  executed,  as  the  poor  ale-wife 
would  have  been,  had  she  not  lighted  upon 
her  former  customer  in  the  character  of  her 
judge. 

Another  old  woman  is  said  to  have  cured 


300  TRIALS  FOR   WrnnCR  AFT. 

many  cattle  of  the  murrain,  by  a  repetition  of 
a  certain  verse.  The  fee  which  she  required, 
was  a  loaf  of  bread  and  a  silver  penny ;  and 
when  she  was  commanded  to  reveal  the  magi- 
cal verses  which  wrought  such  wonders,  they 
were  found  to  be  the  following  jest  on  the  cre- 
dulity of  her  customers  :— 

"  My  loaf  in  my  lap,  and  my  penny  in  my  purse, 
Thou  art  never  the  better,  and  I  never  the  worse." 

It  was  not  medicine  only  which  witchery  was 
supposed  to  mingle  with  ;  but  any  remarkable 
degree  of  dexterity  in  an  art  or  craft,  whether 
attained  by  skill  or  industry,  subjected  those 
who  possessed  it  to  similar  suspicion.  Thus  it 
was  a  dangerous  thing  to  possess  more  thriving 
cows  than  those  of  the  neighbourhood,  though 
their  superiority  was  attained  merely  by  paying 
greater  attention  to  feeding  and  cleaning  the 
animals. 

It  was  often  an  article  of  suspicion,  that  a 
woman  had  spun  considerably  more  thread 
than  her  less  industrious  neighbours  chose  to 
think  could  be  accomplished  by  ordinary  indus- 
try ;  and,  to  crown  these  absurdities,  a  yeoman 
of  the  town  of  Mailing,  in  Kent,  was  accused 
before  a  Justice  of  Peace  as  a  sorcerer,  because 
he  used  more  frequently  than  his  companions 
to  hit  the  mark  which  he  aimed  at.  This  dex- 
terity, and  some  idle  story  of  the  archer's 
amusing  himself  with  letting  a  fly  hum  and 
])uzz  around. him,  convinced  the  judge,  that  the 
poor  man's  skill  in  liis  art  was  owing  to  the 
assistance  of  some  imp  of  8atan.  So  ho  pun- 
»:-jlied  the  marksman  severely,  to  the  great  en- 


TRIALS  FOR   WITCHCRAFT.  301 

couragement  of  archery,  and  as  a  wise  exam- 
ple to  all  Justices  of  the  Peace. 

Other  charges,  the  most  ridiculous  and  im- 
probable, were  brought  against  those  suspected 
of  witchcraft.  They  were  supposed  to  have 
power,  by  going  through  some  absurd  and  im- 
pious ceremony,  to  summon  to  their  presence 
the  Author  of  Evil,  who  appeared  in  some 
mean  or  absurd  shape,  and,  in  return  for  their 
renouncing  their  redemption,  gave  them  the 
power  of  avenging  themselves  on  their  ene- 
mies ;  which  privilege,  with  that  of  injuring 
and  teazing  their  fellow  creatures,  was  almost 
all  they  gained  from  their  new  master.  Some- 
times, indeed,  they  obtained  from  him  the 
powe  of  flying  through  the  air  on  broom-sticks, 
when  the  Foul  Fiend  gave  public  parties  ;  and 
the  accounts  given  of  the  ceremonies  practised 
on  such  occasions  are  equally  disgusting  and 
vulgar,  totally  foreign  to  any  idea  we  can  have 
of  a  spiritual  nature,  and  only  fit  to  be  invented 
and  believed  by  the  most  ignorant  and  brutal 
of  the  human  species. 

Another  of  these  absurdities  was,  the  belief 
that  the  evil  spirits  would  attend  if  they  were 
invoked  with  certain  profane  ceremonies,  such 
as  reading  the  Lord's  Prayer  backwards,  or 
the  like ;  and  would  then  tell  the  future  for- 
tunes of  those  w^ho  had  raised  them,  as  it  w^as 
called,  or  inform  them  what  was  become  of 
articles  which  had  been  lost  or  stolen.  Staries 
are  told  of  such  exploits  by  grave  authors, 
which  are  to  the  full  as  ridiculous,  and  more 
BO,  than  any  thing  that  is  to  be  found  in  fairy 

Vol.  I.  26 


302  TRIALS  FOR  Wl TCIICRAFT. 

tales,  invented  for  the  amusement  of  children. 
And  for  all  this  incredible  nonsense,  mifortu- 
nate  creatures  were  imprisoned,  tortured,  and 
finally  burnt  alive,by  the  sentence  of  their  judges. 

It  is  strange  to  find,  that  the  persons  accused 
of  this  imaginary  crime  in  most  cases  paved 
the  way  for  their  own  condemnation,  by  con- 
fessing and  admitting  the  truth  of  all  the  mon- 
strous absurdities  which  were  charged  against 
them  by  their  accusers.  This  may  surprise 
you  ;  but  yet  it  can  be  accounted  for. 

Many  of  these  poor  creatures  were  crazy, 
and  infirm  in  mind  as  well  as  body  ;  and,  hear- 
ing themselves  charged  with  this  monstrous 
enormity  by  those  whom  they  accounted  wise 
and  learned,  became  half  persuaded  of  their 
own  guilt,  and  assented  to  all  the  nonsensical 
questions  which  were  put  to  them.  But  this 
was  not  all.  Very  many  made  these  confessions 
under  the  influence  of  torture,  which  was  ap- 
plied to  them  with  cruel  severity. 

It  is  true,  the  ordinary  courts  of  justice  in 
Scotland  had  not  the  power  of  examining  cri- 
minals under  torture,  which  was  reserved  for 
the  Privy  Council.  But  this  was  a  slight  pro- 
tection ;  for  witches  were  seldom  tried  before 
the  ordinary  Criminal  Courts,  because  the  law- 
yers, though  they  could  not  deny  the  existence 
of  a  crime  for  which  the  law  had  laid  down  a 
punishment,  yet  showed  a  degree  of  incredibi- 
lity respecting  witchcraft,  which  was  supposed 
frequently  to  lead  to  the  escape  of  "^  those  ac- 
cused of  this  unpopular  crime,  when  in  the 
management  of  professional  persons. 


TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT.  o03 

^^To  avoid  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  of  the 
Justiciary,  and  other  regular  criminal  jurisdic- 
tions, the  trial  of  witchcraft  in  the  provinces 
"was  usually  brought  before  commissioners  ap- 
pointed by  the  Privy  Council.  These  commis- 
sioners were  commonly  country-gentlemen  and 
clergymen,  who,  from  ignorance  on  the  one 
side,  misdirected  learning  on  the  other,  and 
bigotry  on  both,  were  as  eager  in  the  prosecu- 
tion as  the  vulgar  could  desire.  By  their  com- 
mission they  had  the  power  of  torture,  and 
employed  it  unscrupulously,  usually  calling  in 
to  their  assistance  a  witch-finder ;  a  fellow, 
that  is,  who  made  money  by  pretending  to 
have  a  peculiar  art  and  excellence  in  discover- 
ing these  offenders,  and  who  sometimes  under- 
took to  rid  a  parish  or  township  of  witches  at 
so  much  a-head,  as  if  they  had  been  foxes,  wild 
cats,  or  other  vermin. 

These  detestable  imposters  directed  the  pro- 
cess of  the  torture,  which  frequently  consisted 
in  keeping  the  aged  and  weary  beings  from 
sleeping,  and  walking  them  forcibly  up  and 
down  their  prison,  whenever  they  began  to 
close  their  eyes,  and  in  running  needles  into 
their  flesh,  under  pretence  of  discovering  a 
mark,  which  the  witch-fxuders  affirmed  the  devil 
had  impressed  on  their  skin,  in  token  that  they 
were  his  property  and  subjects.  It  is  no  won- 
der that  wretched  creatures,  driven  mad  by 
want  of  sleep  and  pain,  confessed  any  thing 
whatsoever  to  obtain  a  moment's  relief,  though 
they  were  afterwards  to  die  for  it. 

But,  besides  the  craziness  of  such  victims, 


304  TRIALS  FOR   WITCHCRAFT. 

and  the  torture  to  which  they  were  subjected^ 
shame  and  weariness  of  life  were  often  a  cause 
of  their  pleading  guilty  to  accusations  in  them- 
selves absurd  and  impossible.  You  must  con- 
sider, that  the  persons  accused  of  witchcraft 
were  almost  always  held  guilty  by  the  public 
and  by  their  neighbours,  and  that  if  the  court 
scrupled  to  condemn  them,  it  was  a  common 
thing  for  the  mob  to  take  the  execution  into 
their  own  hands,  and  duck  the  unhappy 
wretches  to  death,  or  otherwise  destroy  them. 

The  fear  of  such  a  fate  might  determine  many 
of  the  accused,  even  though  they  were  in  their 
sound  mind,  and  unconstrained  by  bodily  tor- 
ture, to  plead  guilty  at  once,  and  rather  lose 
their  wretched  life  by  the  sentence  of  the  law, 
than  expose  themselves  to  the  fury  of  the  mul- 
titude.    A  singular  story  is  told  to  this  effect. 

An  old  woman  and  her  daughter  were  tried 
as  witches,  at  Haddington.  The  principal 
evidence  of  the  crime  was,  that  though  mise- 
rably poor,  the  two  had  contrived  to  look 
"  fresh  and  fair,"  during  the  progress  of  a  ter- 
rible famine,  which  reduced  even  the  better 
classes  to  straits,  and  brought  all  indigent  peo- 
ple to  the  point  of  starving,  and  all  the  while 
these  two  women,  without  either  begging  or 
complaining,  lived  on  in  their  usual  way,  and 
never  seemed  to  suffer  by  the  general  calamity. 
The  jury  were  perfectly  satisfied  that  this  could 
not  take  place  by  any  natural  means ;  and,  as 
the  accused  persons,  on  undergoing  the  disci- 
pline of  one  Kincaid,  a  witch-fmdcr,  readily 
admitted  all  that  was  asked  about  their  inter- 


TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT.  305 

course  with  the  devil,  the  jury,  on  their 
confession,  brought  them  in  guilty  without 
hesitation. 

The  King's  Advocate  for  the  time  (I  believe 
Sir  George  Mackenzie  is  named)  was  sceptical 
on  the  subject  of  witchcraft.  He  visited  the 
women  in  private,  and  urged  them  to  tell  the 
real  truth.  They  continued  at  first  to  maintain 
the  story  they  had  given  in  their  confession. 
But  the  Advocate,  perceiving  them  to  be  wo- 
men of  more  sense  than  ordinary,  urged  upon 
them  the  crime  of  being  accessory  to  their  own 
death,  by  persisting  in  accusing  themselves  of 
impossibilities,  and  promised  them  life  and 
protection,  providing  they  would  unfold  the 
true  secret  which  they  used  for  their  subsist- 
ence. 

The  poor  women  looked  wistfully  on  each 
other,  like  people  that  are  in  perplexity.  At 
length,  the  mother  said,  "  You  are  very  good, 
my  lord,  and  I  dare  say  your  power  is  very 
great,  but  you  cannot  be  of  use  to  my  daughter 
and  me.  If  you  were  to  set  us  at  liberty  from 
the  bar,  you  could  not  free  us  from  the  suspi- 
cion of  being  witches.  As  soon  as  we  return 
to  our  hut,  we  will  be  welcomed  by  the  vio- 
lence and  abuse  of  all  our  neighbours,  who,  if 
they'do  not  beat  our  brains  out,  or  drown  us  on 
the  spot,  will  retain  a  hatred  and  ill-will,  which 
will  show  itself  on  every  occasion,  and  make 
our  life  so  miserable,  that  Ave  have  made  up  our 
minds  to  prefer  death  at  once." 

"  Do  not  be  afraid  of  your  neighbours,"  said 
the  Advocate.     "  If  von  will  trust  vour  secret 
26  * 


306  TRIALS  FOR   WITCHCRAFT. 

with  me,  I  will  take  care  of  you  for  the  rest  of 
your  lives,  and  send  you  to  an  estate  of  mine 
in  the  north,  where  nobody  can  know  any 
thing  of  your  history,  and  where  indeed,  the 
people's  ideas  are  such,  that,  if  they  thought 
you  witches,  they  would  rather  regard  you 
with  fear  than  hatred." 

The  women,  moved  by  his  promises,  told 
him,  that,  if  he  would  cause  to  be  removed  an 
old  empty  trunk  which  stood  in  the  corner  of 
their  hut,  and  dig  the  earth  where  he  saw  it 
had  been  stirred,  he  would  find  the  secret  by 
means  of  which  they  had  been  supported  through 
the  famine  ;  protesting  to  Heaven,  at  the  same 
time,  that  they  were  totally  innocent  of  any  un- 
lawful arts  such  as  had  been  imputed  to  them. 
Sir  George  Mackenzie  hastened  to  examine  the 
spot,  and  found  concealed  in  the  earth  two  fir- 
kins of  salted  Snails,  one  of  them  nearly  empty. 
On  this  strange  food  the  poor  women  had  been 
nourished  during  the  famine.  The  Advocate 
was  as  good  as  his  word  ;  and  the  story  shows 
how  little  weight  is  to  be  laid  on  the  frequent 
confessions  of  the  party  in  cases  of  witchcraft. 

As  this  story  is  only  traditional,  I  will  men- 
tion two  others  of  the  same  kind,  to  which  I 
can  give  a  precise  date.  ^ 

The  first  of  these  instances  regards  a  woman 
of  rank,  much  superior  to  those  who  were  usu- 
ally accused  of  this  imaginary  crime.  She  was 
sister  of  Sir  John  Henderson,  of  Fordel,  and 
wife  to  the  Laird  of  Pittardo,  in  Fife.  Not- 
withstanding her  honourable  birth,  this  unfor- 
tunate matron  was,  in  the  year  1649,  imprison- 


I 


TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT.  307 


ed  in  the  common  jail  of  Edinburgh,  from  the 
month  of  July  till  the  middk  of  the  month  of 
December,  when  she  was  found  dead,  with 
every  symptom  of  poison.  Undoubtedly  the 
iniamy  of  the  charge,  and  the  sense  that  it  must 
destroy  her  character  and  disgrace  her  family, 
was  the  cause  which  instigated  her  to  commit 
suicide. 

The  same  sentiment  which  drove  this  poor 
lady  to  her  death,  was  expressed  by  a  female, 
young  and  handsome,  executed  at  Paisley,  in 
1697,  in  the  following  short  answer  to  some 
of  her  triends,  who  were  blaming  her  for  not 
being  sufficiently  active  in  defending  herself 
upon  her  trial.  "  They  have  taken  away  my 
character,"  she  said,  "  and  my  life  is  not  worth 
saving." 

It  Mas  remarkable  that  the  number  of  sup- 
posed witches  seemed  to  increase  in  proportion 
to  the  increase  of  punishment.  On  the  22d  of 
May,  1650,  the  Scottish  Parliament  named  a 
committee  for  inquiry  into  the  depositions  of 
no  less  than  fifty-four  watches,  with  power  to 
grant  such  commissions  as  we  have  already  de- 
scribed, to  proceed  with  their  trial,  condemna- 
tion, and  execution.  Supposing  these  dreaded 
sorceresses  to  exist  in  such  numbers,  and  to 
possess  the  powers  of  injury  imputed  to  them, 
it  was  to  be  expected,  as  Reginald  Scot  ex- 
presses himself,  that  "  there  would  neither  be 
butter  in  the  churn,  nor  cow  in  the  close,  nor 
corn  in  the  field,  nor  fair  weather  without,  or 
health  within  doors."  Indeed,  the  extent  to 
which  people   indulged  their  horrors  and  sus- 


308  TRIALS  FOFv  -vVITCHCRAFT. 

picions,  was  in  itself  the  proof  of  their  being 
fanciful.  If,  in  a  small  province,  or  even  a  petty 
town,  there  had  existed  scores  of  people  pos- 
sessed of  supernatural  pov/er,  the  result  would 
be,  that  the  laws  of  nature  would  have  been  lia- 
ble to  constant  interruption. 

The  English  judges  appointed  for  Scotland 
in  Cromwell's  time,  saw  the  cruelty  and  ab- 
surdity of  witch-trials,  and  endeavoured  to  put 
a  stop  to  them  ;  but  the  thanks  which  they  re- 
ceived were  only  reflections  on  their  principles 
of  toleration,  the  benefit  of  which,  in  the  opi- 
nion of  the  Scots,  was  extended  by  this  lenity, 
not  only  to  heretics  of  every  denomination,  but 
even  to  those  who  worshipped  the  devil.  Some 
went  still  further,  and  accused  the  Sectaries  of 
admitting  intercourse  with  evil  spirits  into  their 
devotions.  This  was  particularly  reported  and 
believed  of  the  Quakers,  the  most  simple  and 
moral  of  all  dissenters  from  the  church. 

Wiser  and  better  views  on  the  subject  began 
to  prevail  in  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  centu- 
ry, and  capital  prosecutions  for  this  imaginary 
crime  were  seen  to  decrease.  The  last  instance 
of  execution  for  witchcraft,  took  place  in  the 
remote  province  of  Sutherland,  in  1727,  under 
the  direction  of  an  ignorant  provincial  judge, 
who  was  censured  for  the  proceeding.  The 
victim  was  an  old  woman  in  her  last  dotage, 
so  silly  that  she  was  delighted  to  warm  her 
wrinkled  hands  at  the  fire  which  was  to  con- 
sume her  ;  and  while  they  were  preparing  for 
her  execution,  often  said,  so  good  a  blaze,  and 
80  many  neighbours  gathered  round  it,  made 


I 


TRIALS    FOR    WITCHCRAFT.  309 

the  most  cheerful  sight  she  had  seen  for  many- 
years  ! 

The  laws  against  witchcraft,  both  in  England 
and  Scotland,  were  abolished ;  and  persons  who 
pretend  to  fortune-telling,  the  use  of  spells,  or 
similar  mysterious  feats  of  skill,  are  now  pu- 
nished as  common  knaves  and  impostors.  Since 
this  has  been  the  case,  no  one  has  ever  heard 
of  witches  or  witchcraft,  even  among  the  most 
ignorant  of  the  vulgar  ;  so  that  the  crime  must 
have  been  entirely  imaginary,  since  it  ceased  to 
exist  so  soon  as  men  ceased  to  hunt  it  out  for 
punishment. 


[    310    ] 


CHAP,  XV. 

CromwelVs  System  of  Government — his  Death 
— Richard  CromwelVs  Accession  to  the  PrO' 
tectorate^  and  retirement  from  it — Anecdotes 
of  him — General  Menkes  advance  to  London 
— Dissolution  of  the  Long  Parliament — Sir 
John  Grenville's  Interview  with  Monk,  and 
Proposal  for  the  Recall  of  the  Exiled  SteW' 
arts — Tlie  Restoration— ^Arrival  of  Charles 
II.  at  Dover. 

Oliver  Cromwell,  who,  in  the  extraordina- 
ry manner  I  have  told  you,  raised  himself  to 
the  supreme  sovereignty  of  England,  Scotland, 
and  Ireland,  v/as  a  man  of  great  talents,  and,  as 
has  been  already  said,  not  naturally  of  a  severe 
or  revengeful  disposition.  He  made  the  coun- 
try formidable  to  foreign  powers,  and  perhaps 
no  government  was  ever  more  respected  abroad 
than  that  of  the  Lord  Protector. 

At  home  he  had  a  very  difficult  task  to  per- 
form, in  order  to  maintain  his  usurped  authori- 
ty. He  was  obliged  repeatedly,  as  has  been 
successfully  done  in  other  countries  by  usurp- 
ers of  his  own  class,  to  convoke  some  species 
of  senate  or  parliament,  consisting  of  his  own 
creatures,  Avho  might  divide  with  him  the  pow- 
er, in  outward  appearance,  and  save  him  the 
odium  of  governing  by  his  sole  authority.  But 
such  was  the  spirit  of  the  English  nation,  that 
whenever   Cromwell   convoked  a   Parliament, 


SPIES  EMPLOYED  BY  CROMWELL.  311 

though  in  a  great  measure  consisting  of  his 
own  partizans,  and  though  the  rest  were  studi- 
ously chosen  as  mean  and  ignorant  persons, 
the  instant  that  they  met  they  began  to  inquire 
into  the  ground  of  the  Protector's  authority, 
and  propose  measures  which  interfered  with 
his  assumption  of  supreme  power. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  various  factions  into 
which  the  country  was  divided,  all  agreed  in 
hating  the  usurped  power  of  the  Protector, 
and  were  all  engaged  in  conspiracies  against 
him,  which  were  conceived  and  carried  on  not 
only  by  Cavaliers  and  Presbyterians,  but  by 
Republicans,  and  even  by  soldiers  among  his 
own  ranks.  Thus  hard  pressed  on  every  side, 
he  displayed  the  utmost  sagacity  in  his  mode 
of  defending  himself.  On  two  or  three  occa- 
sions, indeed,  he  held  what  he  called  High 
Courts  of  Justice,  by  whose  doom  both  Cava- 
liers and  Presbyterians  suifered  capital  punish- 
ment, for  plots  against  his  government.  But 
it  was  with  reluctance  Cromwell  resorted  to 
such  severe  measures.  His  general  policy 
was  to  balance  parties  against  each  other,  and 
make  each  of  them  desirous  of  the  subsistence 
of  his  authority,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of 
seeing  it  changed  for  some  other  than  their 
own.  At  great  expense  and  by  constant  assi- 
duity, he  maintained  spies  in  the  councils  of 
every  faction  of  the  state,  and  often  the  least 
suspected,  and  apparently  most  vehement, 
among  the  hostile  parties,  were,  in  private,  the 
mercenary  tools  of  Cromwell. 

In  the  wandering  court  of  Charles  II.  in  par- 


312  UICIIARI)   CROMWELL. 

"       -    -       ,  m 

ticular,  one  of  the  most  noted  cavaliers  was 
Sir  Richard  Willis,  who  had  fought  bravely, 
and  suffered  much,  in  the  cause  both  of  the 
late  King  and  of  his  son.  There  was  no  man 
among  the  Royalists  who  attended  on  Charles's 
person  so  much  trusted  and  honoured  as  this 
gentleman,  who,  nevertheless,  enjoyed  a  large 
pension  from  Cromwell,  and  betrayed  to  him 
whatever  schemes  were  proposed  for  the  res- 
toration of  the  exiled  monarch.  By  this  and 
similar  intercourse,  the  Protector  had  the 
means  of  preventing  the  numerous  conspira- 
cies against  him  from  coming  to  a  head,  and 
also  of  opposing  the  machinations  of  one  dis- 
contented party,  by  means  of  the  others. 

It  is  believed,  however,  that  with  all  his  art,- 
the  Protector  would  not  have  been  able  ta 
maintain  his  power  for  many  years.  A  peo-- 
pie  long  accustomed  to  a  free  government, 
were  generally  incensed  at  being  subjected  to 
the  unlimited  authority  of  one  man,  and  the 
discontent  became  universal.  It  seemed  that, 
towards  the  conclusion  of  his  life,  Cromwell 
was  nearly  at  the  end  of  his  expedients  ;  and 
it  is  certain,  that  his  own  conduct  then  display- 
ed an  apprehension  of  danger  which  he  had 
never  before  exhibited.  He  became  morose 
and  melancholy,  always  wore  secret  armour 
under  his  ordinary  dress,  and  shifted  his  bed- 
chamber repeatedly,  to  prevent  assassination. 
His  health  broke  down  under  these  gloomy  ap- 
prehensions; and  on  the  3d  of  September,  1658, 
he  died,  at  the  age  of  sixty.  His  deatli  was  ac- 
companied by  a  general  and    fearful  tempest ; 


RICHARD  CROMWELL.  313 


and  by  another  circumstance  equally  striking 
in  those  superstitious  times,  namely,  that  he 
died  on  the  day  and  month  in  which  he  had 
gained  his  decisive  victories  at  Dunbar  and 
Worcester. 

The  sceptre,  which  Oliver  had  held  with  so 
firm  a  grasp,  was  transferred  to  that  of  his  son, 
Richard  Cromwell ;  while  the  funeral  of  the 
deceased  Protector  w^as  solemnized  at  an  ex- 
pense superior  far  to  what  England  had  bestow- 
ed on  the  obsequies  of  any  of  her  kings.  But 
this  apparent  transmission  of  Oliver's  authori- 
ty to  his  son  was  only  nominal.  A  Parliament, 
which  Richard  assembled  that  they  might  vote 
him  supplies,  commenced  an  inquiry  into  the 
nature  of  the  new  Lord  Protector's  title  ;  and 
a  council  of  officers  whom  he  convoked,  be- 
came refractory,  and  assumed  an  authority 
which  he  dared  not  dispute  with  them.  These 
military  despots  compelled  Richard  to  dissolve 
the  Parliament,  and  subsequently  obliged  him 
to  resign  the  office  of  Protector.  He  descend- 
ed quietly  into  humble  life,  burdened  not  only 
by  many  personal  debts,  but  also  by  the  de- 
mands of  those  -who  had  supplied  the  exorbi- 
tant expenses  of  his  father's  funeral,  which  the 
State  unworthily  and  meanly  suffered  to  de- 
scend upon  him. 

Richard  Cromwell,  removed  from  the  dan- 
gers and  the  guilt  of  power,  lived  a  long  and 
peaceable  life,  and  died  in  1712,  at  the  age  of 
eighty-six.  Two  anecdotes  respecting  him  are 
worth  mentioning.  When  he  was  obliged  to 
retire  abroad  on  account  of  his  debts,  Richard 

Vol.  I.  27 


314  ANECDOTES  OF 


Cromwell  was  led,  from  curiosity,  to  visit  Pe- 
zenas,  a  fine  place  in  Langiiedoc. 

The  Prince  of  Conti,  a  French  prince  of  the 
blood  royal,  hearing  an  English  traveller  was 
in  the  palace,  had  the  curiosity  to  receive  him, 
that  he  might  learn  the  latest  news  from  Eng- 
land, which  at  this  time  astonished  Europe  by 
its  frequent  changes  of  government.  The 
French  prince  spoke  of  Oliver  Cromwell  as  a 
wicked  man,  and  a  lawless  usurper  of  the  go- 
vernment ;  but  then  he  acknowledged  his  deep 
sagacity,high  talents,  and  courage  in  danger,  and 
admired  the  art  and  force  with  which  he  had  sub- 
jected three  kingdoms  to  his  own  individual  au- 
thority. "  He  knew  how  to  command,"  conti- 
nued the  prince,  "  and  deserved  to  be  obeyed. 
But  what  has  become  of  the  poor  poltroon, 
Richard — the  coward,  the  dastard,  who  gave  up, 
without  a  blow  or  struggle,  all  that  his  father 
had  gained  ?  Have  you  any  idea  how  the  man 
could  be  such  a  fool,  and  mean-spirited  caitiff?" 

Poor  Richard,  glad  to  remain  unknown 
where  he  was  so  little  esteemed,  only  replied, 
"that  the  abdicated  Protector  had  been  de- 
ceived by  those  in  whom  he  most  trusted,  and 
to  whom  his  father  had  shown  most  kindness." 
He  then  took  leave  of  the  prince,  who  did  not 
learn  till  two  days  afterwards,  that  he  had  ad- 
dressed so  unpleasing  a  discourse  to  the  person 
whom  it  principally  regarded. 

The  other  anecdote  is  of  a  later  date,  being 
subsequent  to  1705.  Some  lawsuit  of  import- 
ance required  that  Richard  Cromwell  should 
appear  in  the  King's  Bench  Court.     The  judge 


RICHARD  CROMWELL.  315 

who  presided  showed  a  generous  deference  to 
fallen  greatness,  and  to  the  mutability  of  human 
affairs.  He  received  with  respect  the  man  who 
had  been  once  Sovereign  of  England,  caused 
a  chair  to  be  placed  for  him  within  the  bar,  and 
requested  him  to  be  covered.  When  the  coun- 
sel on  the  opposite  side  began  his  speech,  as  if 
about  to  allude  to  Richard's  descent  from  the 
obnoxious  Oliver,  the  judge  checked  him  with 
generous  independence.  "  I  will  hear  nothing 
on  that  topic,  sir,"  he  said  ;  "  speak  to  the 
merits  of  the  cause  before  us." 

After  his  appearance  in  court,  Richard  Crom- 
well's curiosity  carried  him  to  the  House  of 
Peers,  where  he  stood  below  the  bar,  looking 
around  him,  and  making  observations  on  the  al- 
terations which  he  saw.  A  person  who  heard 
a  decent  looking  old  man  speaking  in  this  way, 
said  to  him,  civilly,  "  It  is  probably  a  long 
while,  sir,  since  you  have  been  in  this  house  ?" — 
*'  Not  since  I  sat  in  that  chair,"  answered  the 
old  gentleman,  pointing  to  the  throne,  on  which 
he  had  been,  indeed,  seated  as  sovereign,  when, 
more  than  fifty  years  before,  he  received  the 
addresses  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  on  his 
succeeding  to  his  father  in  the  supreme  power. 

To  return  to  public  affairs  in  London,  where 
changes  succeeded  with  as  little  permanence,  as 
the  reflection  of  faces  presented  to  a  mirror, 
the  attempt  of  the  officers  of  the  army  to  es- 
tablish a  purely  military  government,  was  com- 
batted  by  the  return  to  Parliament  of  those  re- 
publican members  vrhom  Oliver  Cromwell  had 
expelled,  and  whom  the  common  people,  by  a 


310  GENERAL 


vulgar  but  expressive  nickname,  now  called  tlie 
Rump  Parliament.  This  assembly,  so  called 
because  it  was  the  sitting  part  of  that  wiiich 
commenced  the  civil  war,  were  again  subjected 
to  military  violence,  and  dissolved  by  General 
Lambert,  a  person  who  unquestionably  design- 
ed in  his  own  person  to  act  the  part  of  Oli- 
ver Cromwell,  though  without  either  the  talents 
or  high  reputation  of  the  original  performer. 
But  a  general  change  had  taken  place  in  the 
sentiments  of  the  nation. 

The  public  had  been  to  a  certain  degree  pa- 
tient under  the  government  of  Oliver,  to  whom 
it  was  impossible  to  deny  all  the  praise  which 
belongs  to  firmness  and  energy  ;  but  they  saw 
with  disgust  these  feeble  usurpers  bustle 
amongst  themselves,  and  push  each  other  from 
the  rudder  of  the  state,  without  consulting  the 
people  at  large.  Remembering  the  quiet  and 
peaceful  condition  of  the  kingdom  before  the 
civil  wars,  when  its  kings  succeeded  by  a  here- 
ditary right  to  a  limited  power,  and  when  the 
popular  and  monarchical  branches  of  the  consti- 
tution so  justly  balanced  each  other,  that  the 
whole  British  nation  looked  back  to  the  period 
as  one  of  liberty,  peace,  and  lawful  order  ;  and 
comparing  this  happy  state  with  the  recent 
manner  in  which  every  successive  faction 
seized  upon  power  when  they  could  snatch  it, 
and  again  yielded  it  up  to  the  grasp  of  another 
and  stronger  party,  all  men  were  tilled  with 
dissatisfaction. 

U])on  the  whole,  (he  tlioughts  of  all  the  judi- 
cious part  of  the  nation  were  turned  towards  the 


MARCH  OF  GENEUAL  MONK.       317 

exiled  Prince,  and  there  was  a  general  desire  to 
call  him  back  to  the  exercise  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  was  only  suppressed  by  the  strong 
hand  of  the  armed  fanatics.  It  was  absolutely 
necessary  that  some  military  force  should  be  on 
foot,  in  order  to  cope  with  these  Avarlike  Saints, 
as  they  called  themselves,  before  the  general  in- 
clination of  the  kingdom  could  have  room  or 
freedom  to  express  itself. 

As  it  was  the  disturbances  in  Scotland  which 
first  shook  the  throne  of  Charles  the  First,  so 
it  was  from  the  same  country  that  the  move 
ment  took  place  which  eventually  replaced  on 
the  throne  his  son  and  heir.  We  have  already 
noticed,  that  the  kingdom  of  Scotland  had  been 
finally  subdued  by  the  efforts  of  General  Monk, 
who  afterwards  governed  it  during  the  protec- 
torate of  Cromwell,  and  in  obedience  to  his  au- 
thority. 

Monk  was  a  man  of  a  grave,  reserved,  and 
sagacious  character,  who  had  gained  general 
esteem  by  the  manner  in  which  he  managed 
Scottish  affairs.  He  had  taken  care  to  model 
the  veteran  troops  in  that  kingdom,  so  as  to 
subject  them  to  his  own  separate  control,  and 
to  detach  from  their  command  such  officers  as 
were  either  violent  enthusiasts,  or  peculiarly 
attached  to  Lambert  and  his  council  of  officers. 
Thus  having  under  his  immediate  command  a 
moveable  force  of  -between  seven  and  eight 
thousand  men,  besides  those  necessary  to  garri- 
son Scotland,  Monk  eagerly  watched  the  con- 
test of  the  factions  in  London,  in  order  to  per- 
ceive and  seize  on  the  ilt  opportunity  for  action. 
27* 


318  MARCH   OF  GENERAL  MONK. 

This  seemed  to  arrive,  when  the  army  under 
Lambert  again  thrust  the  Rump  Parliament  out 
of  doors,  and  commenced  a  new  military  go- 
vernment, by  means  of  a  committee  of  officers, 
called  the  Council  of  Safety.  Monk  then  threw 
aside  the  mask  of  indifference  which  he  had 
long  worn,  assembled  his  forces  on  the  borders, 
and  declared  for  the  freedom  of  Parliament, 
and  against  the  military  faction  by  which  they 
had  been  suppressed.  The  persuasion  was  uni- 
versal throughout  Britain,  that  Monk,  by  these 
general  expressions,  meant  something  more  ef- 
fectual than  merely  restoring  the  authority  of 
the  Rump,  which  had  fallen  into  the  common 
contempt  of  all  men,  by  the  repeated  acts  of 
violence  to  which  they  had  tamely  submitted. 

But  General  Monk,  allowing  all  parties  to 
suppose  what  they  thought  most  probable, 
proceeded  to  make  his  preparations  for  march- 
ing with  the  greatest  deliberation,  without 
suffering  even  a  whisper  to  escape  concern- 
ing the  ultimate  objects  of  the  expedition.  He 
assembled  the  Scottish  Convention  of  Estates, 
and  asked  and  received  from  them  a  supply  of 
six  month's  pay,  for  the  maintenance  of  his 
troops.  Their  confidence  in  his  intentions  was 
such,  that  they  offered  him  the  support  of  a 
Scottisli  army  of  twenty-four  thousand  men ; 
but  Monk  declined  assistance  which  would  have 
been  unpopular  in  England.  He  then  proceed- 
ed in  his  plan  of  ncw-modclling  his  army, 
with  more  boldness  than  before,  dismissing 
many  of  the  Independent  officers,  and  supply- 
ing their  places  M'ith  Presbyterians,  and  even 
with  secret  Royalists. 


1 


UPON   THE   BORDERS,  319 

The  news  of  these  proceedings  spread 
through  England,  and  were  generally  received 
with  joy.  Universal  resistance  was  made  to  the 
payment  of  taxes  ;  for  the  Rump  Parliament 
had,  on  the  eve  of  its  expulsion  by  Lambert, 
declared  it  high  treason  to  levy  money  without 
consent  of  Parliament,  and  the  provinces,  where 
Lambert  and  his  military  council  had  no  power 
of  enforcing  their  illegal  exactions,  refused  to 
obey  them.  The  Council  of  Safety  wanted 
money  therefore,  and  were  in  extreme  per- 
plexity. 

Lambert  himself,  a  brave  man  and  a  good  offi- 
cer, saw  the  necessity  of  acting  with  prompti- 
tude, and  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  a  con- 
siderable force  of  veteran  soldiers,  marched  to- 
wards Scotland.  His  numbers  were  enhanced 
by  the  report  of  the  various  spies  and  agents 
whom  he  sent  into  Monk's  army  under  the  guise 
of  envoys.  "  What  will  you  do  ?"  said  one  of 
these  persons,  addressing  a  party  of  Monk's 
soldiers  ;  "  Lambert  is  coming  down  against 
you  with  such  numerous  forces,  that  your  army 
will  not  be  a  breakfast  for  him."  "  The  north 
must  have  given  Lambert  a  good  appetite,'* 
answered  one  of  the  veterans,  "  if  he  be  wil- 
ling to  chew  bullets,  and  feed  upon  pikes  and 
musket  barrels." 

In  this  tone  of  defiance  the  two  armies 
moved  against  each  other.  Lambert  took  up  his 
head  quarters  at  Newcastle.  Monk,  on  the 
other  hand,  placed  his  at  Coldstream,  on  the 
Tweed,  a  place  which  commanded  the  second 
be»t  passage  over  that  river»  Berwick  being  al- 


320  MONK  AND  LAMBERT. 

ready  in  his  hands.  Coldstream,  now  a  thriv- 
ing town,  was  then  so  miserable,  that  Monk 
could  get  no  supper,  even  for  his  own  table, 
but  was  fain  to  have  recourse  to  chewing  tobacco 
to  appease  his  hunger.  Next  day  provisions 
were  sent  from  Berwick ;  and  the  camp  at 
Coldstream  is  still  kept  in  memory  in  the  En- 
glish army,  by  the  first  regiment  of  Guards, 
which  was  one  of  those  that  composed  Monk's 
vanguard,  being  called  to  this  day  the  Cold- 
stream regiment. 

The  rival  generals  at  first  engaged  in  a  trea- 
ty, which  Monk,  perceiving  Lambert's  forces 
to  be  more  numerous  than  his  own,  for  some 
time  encouraged,  aware  that  want  of  pay,  and 
of  the  luxuries  to  which  they  were  accustomed 
in  London,  would  soon  induce  his  rival's  troops 
to  desert  him. 

Disaftection  and  weariness  accordingly  began 
to  diminish  Lambert's  forces,  when  at  length 
they  heard  news  from  the  capital  by  which  they 
were  totally  dispirited.  During  Lambert's  ab- 
sence, the  presidency  in  the  Military  Commit- 
tee, and  the  command  of  such  of  the  army  as 
remained  to  overawe  London,  devolved  on  Ge- 
neral Fleetwood,  a  weak  man,  who  really  was 
overcome  by  the  feelings  of  fanaticism,  which 
others  only  aftected.  Incapable  of  any  exer- 
tion, this  person  sufl^ered  the  troops  to  be  se- 
duced from  his  interest  to  that  of  the  Rump 
Parliament,  which  thus  came  again,  and  for  the 
last  time,  into  power. 

With  these  tidings  came  to  Newcastle  others 
of  a  nature  scarce   less  alarming.     The  celc 


PROCEEDINGS   OF  MONK.  821 

brated  General  Fairfax  had  taken  arms  in  York- 
shire, and  was  at  the  head  of  considerable 
forces,  both  Cavaliers  and  Presbyterians,  who 
declared  for  calling  a  free  Parliament,  that  the 
national  will  might  be  consulted  in  the  most 
constitutional  manner,  for  once  more  regaining 
the  blessing  of  a  settled  government.  The  sol- 
diers of  Lambert,  disconcerted  by  these  events, 
and  receiving  no  pay,  began  to  break  up  ;  and 
when  Lambert  himself  attempted  to  lead  them 
back  to  London,  they  left  him  in  such  numbers, 
that  his  army  seemed  actually  to  dissolve  away, 
and  leave  the  road  to  the  capital  open  to  Monk 
and  the  Scottish  forces. 

That  General  moved  on  accordingly,  without 
opposition,  carefully  concealing  his  own  inten- 
tions, receiving  favourably  all  the  numerous 
applications  which  were  made  to  him  for  call- 
ing a  new  and  free  Parliament,  in  order  to  re- 
generate the  national  constitution,  but  returning 
no  reply  which  could  give  the  slightest  intima- 
tion of  his  ultimate  purpose. 

Monk  observed  this  mystery,  in  order,  per- 
haps, that  he  might  reserve  to  himself  the 
power  of  being  guided  by  circumstances — at 
all  events,  knowing  well,  that  if  he  were  to  de- 
clare in  favour  of  any  one  party  or  set  of  prin- 
ciples, Simon g  the  various  factious  opinions 
which  divided  the  state,  tlie  others  would  at 
once  unite  against  him,  which  they  would  bo 
loath  to  attempt,  while  each  as  yet  entertained 
hopes  that  he  might  turn  to  their  side. 

With  the  eyes  of  all  the  nation  fixed  upon 
him  and  his  forces,  Monk  advanced  to  Barnet, 


322  PROCEEDINGS  OF  MONK 

within  ten  miles  of  London,  and  from  thence 
caused  the  Parliament  to  understand  that  they 
would  do  well  to  send  from  the  city  the  re- 
mains of  the  army  of  Fleetwood,  in  case  of  dis- 
cord between  his  troops  and  those  which  at 
present  occupied  the  capital.  The  Rump  Par- 
liament had  no  alternatire  but  to  take  the  hint, 
unless  they  had  resolved  to  try  the  fate  of  bat- 
tle at  the  head  of  those  insubordinate  troops, 
who  had  more  than  once  changed  sides  between 
Lambert  and  Fleetwood  on  one  side,  and  them- 
selves on  the  other,  against  the  steady  veterans 
of  the  Scottish  wars. 

The  late  army  of  Fleetwood,  excepting  two 
regiments  commanded  by  men  whom  Monk 
could  perfectly  trust,  were  ordered  to  leave  the 
city,  and  the  Scottish  general  entered  at  the 
head  of  his  troops,  who,  rough  from  a  toilsome 
march,  and  bearing  other  marks  of  severe  ser- 
vice, made  a  far  more  hardy  and  serviceable, 
though  a  less  showy  appearance,  than  those 
who  had  so  long  bridled  the  people  of  London. 

General  Monk,  and  the  remnant  of  the  Par- 
liament, met  with  external  civility,  but  with 
great  distrust  on  both  sides.  They  propounded 
to  him  the  oath  of  abjuration,  as  it  was  called, 
by  which  he  was  to  renounce  and  abjure  all  al- 
legiance to  the  House  of  Stewart,  and  all  at- 
tempts to  restore  Charles  II.  But  the  General 
declined  taking  the  oath ;  too  many  oaths,  he 
said,  had  been  already  imposed  on  the  public, 
unless  they  had  been  better  kept.  This  cir- 
cumstance seemed  to  throw  light  on  Monk's  in- 
tentions, and  the   citizens  of  London,  now  as 


ON  REACHING  LONDON.  323 

anxious  for  the  King's  Restoration  as  ever  they 
had  been  for  the  expulsion  of  his  father,  passed 
a  vote  in  Common  Council,  by  which  they  de- 
clared they  would  pay  no  taxes  or  contributions 
to  this  shadow  of  a  Parliament,  until  the  vacant 
seats  in  it  should  be  filled  up  to  the  full  extent 
of  a  genuine  House  of  Commons. 

The  Rump  Parliament  had  now,  they  con- 
ceived, an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  Monk's 
real  purpose,  and  forcing  him  to  a  decisive 
measure.  They  laid  their  express  commands 
on  him  to  march  into  the  city,  seize  upon  the 
gates,  break  down  the  portcullises,  destroy  the 
ports,  chains,  and  other  means  of  defending  the 
streets,  and  take  from  the  contumacious  citizens 
all  means  of  protecting  in  future  the  entrance 
into  the  capital. 

Monk,  to  the  astonishment  of  most  of  his 
own  officers,  obeyed  the  commands  thus  im- 
posed on  him.  He  was  probably  desirous  of 
ascertaining  whether  the  disposition  of  his 
troops  would  induce  them  to  consider  the  task 
as  a  harsh  and  unworthy  one.  Accordingly,  he 
no  sooner  heard  his  soldiers  exclaiming  at  the 
disgrace  of  becoming  the  tools  of  the  vengeance 
of  the  Rump  members  against  the  City  of  Lon- 
don, than  he  seemed  to  adopt  their  feelings  and 
passions  as  his  own,  and  like  them  complained, 
and  complained  aloud,  of  having  been  employ- 
ed in  an  unjust  and  unpopular  task,  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  rendering  him  odious  to  the 
citizens. 

At  this  crisis,  the  rashness  of  the  ruling  junto, 
for  it  would  be  absurd  to  term  them   a  Par 


324  PROCEEDINGS  OF  MONK 

t  '  '  '  '  "•'"" 

liament,  gave  the  General,  whom  it  was  their 
business  to  propitiate,  if  possible,  a  new  subject 
of  complaint.  They  encouraged  a  body  of  the 
most  fanatical  sectaries,  headed  by  a  ridiculous 
personage  called  Praise-God  Barebones,  to 
present  a  violent  petition  to  the  House,  de- 
manding that  no  one  should  be  admitted  to  any 
office  of  public  trust,  or  so  much  as  to  teach  a 
school,  without  his  having  taken  the  abjuration 
oath;  and  proposing,  that  any  motion  made  in 
Parliament  for  the  Restoration  of  the  King 
should  be  visited  with  the  pains  of  high  treason. 

The  tenor  of  this  petition,  and  the  honour 
and  favour  which  it  received  when  presented, 
gave  Monk  the  further  cause  of  complaint 
against  the  Rump,  or  Remnant  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, which  perhaps  he  had  been  seeking  for. 
'^  He  refused  to  return  to  Whitehall,  where  he 
had  formerly  lodged,  and  took  up  his  abode  in 
the  City,  where  he  found  it  easy  to  excuse  his 
late  violence  upon  their  defences,  and  to  atone 
for  it  by  declaring  himself  their  protector  and 
ally. 

From  his  quarters  in  the  heart  of  London, 
the  General  wrote  to  the  Parliament  an  angry 
expostulation,  charging  them  with  a  design  to 
arm  the  more  violent  fanatics,  and  call  in  the 
assistance  of  Fleetwood  and  Lambert  against 
the  Scottish  army ;  and  recommending  to 
them,  in  a  tone  of  authority,  forthwith  to  dis- 
solve themselves,  and  call  a  new  Parliament, 
which  should  be  open  to  all  parties.  The  Par- 
liament, greatly  alarmed  at  this  intimation,  sent 
two  of  their  members  to  communicate  with  the 


ON   REACIIi.NG  LONDON.  325 


General;  but  they  could  only  extract  from  him, 
that  if  writs  went  instantly  forth  for  the  new 
elections,  it  would  be  -^ry  well,  otherwise,  he 
and  they  were  likely  to  disagree. 

The  assurance  that  General  Monk  had  openly 
quarrelled  with  the  present  rulers,  and  was  dis- 
posed to  insist  for  a  free  and  full  Parliament, 
was  made  public  by  the  printing  and  dispersing 
of  the  General's  letter,  and  the  tidings  filled  the 
City  with  most  extravagant  rejoicings.  The 
rabble  rung  all  the  bells,  lighted  immense  bon- 
fires in  every  street,  and  danced  around  them, 
while  they  drank  healths  to  the  General,  the 
secluded  members-,  and  even  to  the  King.  But 
the  principal  part  of  their  amusement  was 
roasting  rumps  of  poultry,  or  fragments  of 
butcher-meat  cut  into  that  form,  in  ridicule  of 
their  late  rulers,  whose  power  they  foresaw 
would  cease,  whenever  a  full  Parliament  should 
be  convened.  The  revelry  lasted  the  Vv'hole 
night,  which  was  that  of  11th  February,  1660. 

Monk,  supported  at  once  by  military  strength 
and  the  consciousness  of  general  popularity, 
did  not  wait  until  the  new  Parliament  should 
be  assembled,  or  the  present  dissolved,  to  take 
measures  for  destroying  the  influence  of  the 
junto  now  sitting  at  Westminster.  He  com- 
pelled them  to  open  their  doors  to,  and  admit 
to  their  deliberations  and  votes,  all  the  secluded 
members  of  their  body,  who  had  been  expelled 
from  their  seats  by  military  violence,  since  it 
was  first  practised  on  the  occasion  called  Colo- 
nel Pride's  Purge. 

These   members,   returning   to    ParUament 

Vol.  I.  28 


326  DISSOLUTION  or  the 


accordingly,  made  by  their  numbers  such  a 
predominant  majority  in  the  House,  that  the 
fifty  or  sixty  persons,  Vho  had  lately  been  at 
the  head  of  the  Government,  were  instantly 
reduced  to  the  insignificance,  as  a  party,  from 
which  they  had  only  emerged  by  dint  of  the 
force  which  had  been  exercised  to  exclude  the 
large  body  who  were  now  restored  to  their  seats. 

The  first  acts  of  the  House  thus  renovated 
were  to  disband  the  refractory  part  of  the  army, 
to  dispossess  the  disaffected  officers,  of  whom 
there  were  very  many,  and  to  reduce  the  coun- 
try to  a  state  of  tranquillity  ;  after  which  they 
dissolved  themselves,  having  first  issued  writs  to 
summon  a  new  Parliament,  to  meet  on  the  25th 
of  April.  Thus  then  finally  ended  the  Long 
Parliament,  as  it  is  called,  which  had  sat  for 
nearly  twenty  years  ;  the  most  eventful  period, 
perhaps,  in  British  history. 

While  this  important  revolution  had  been  on 
the  eve  of  taking  place,  Charles  the  Second's 
aflfairs  seemed  to  be  at  a  lower  ebb  than  they 
had  almost  ever  been  before,  A  general  insur- 
rection of  the  Cavaliers  had  been  defeated  by 
Lambert  a  few  months  before,  andthe  severe 
measures  which  followed  had,  for  the  time,  to- 
tally suppressed  the  spirit,  and  almost  crushed 
the  party  of  the  Royalists.  It  was  in  vain  that 
Charles  had  made  advances  to  Monk  while  in 
Scotland,  both  through  the  General's  own  bro- 
ther, and  by  means  of  Sir  John  Grenville,  one 
of  his  nearest  and  most  valued  relatives  and 
friends.  If  Monk's  mind  was  then  made  up 
concerning  the  part  which  he  designed  to  per- 


LONG  PARLIAMENT. 


327 


form,  he,  at  least,  was  determined  to  keep  his 
purpose  secret  in  his  own  bosom,  and  declined, 
therefore,  though  civilly,  to  hear  any  proposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  banished  family. 

The  accounts  which  the  little  exiled  court 
received  concerning  Monk*s  advance  into  Eng- 
land were  equally  disconsolate.  All  intercourse 
with  the  Cavaliers  had  been  carefully  avoided 
by  the  cloudy  and  mysterious  soldier,  in  whose 
hands  Fortune  seemed  to  place  the  fate  of  the 
British  kingdoms.  The  general  belief  was,  that 
Monk  would  renew,  in  his  own  person,  the 
attempt  in  which  Cromwell  had  succeeded  and 
Lambert  had  failed,  and  again  place  a  military 
commander  at  the  head  of  the  Government 
and  it  seemed  confirmed  by  his  harsh  treatment 
of  the  City. 

While  Charles  and  his  attendants  were  m 
this  state  of  despondence,  they  were  suddenly 
astonished  by  the  arrival  from  England  of  a 
partizan,  named  Baillie,  an  Irish  Royalist,  who 
had  travelled  with  extreme  rapidity  to  bring  the 
exiled  Prince  the  news  of  Monk's  decided 
breach  with  the  remnant  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, and  the  temper  which  had  been  displayed 
by  the  City  of  London  when  it  became  public 
They  listened  to  the  messenger  as  they  would 
have  done  to  one  speaking  in  a  dream. 

Overwearied  and  fatigued  by  the  journey, 
and  strongly  excited  by  the  importance  of  the 
intelligence  which  he  brought  them,  the  officer 
seemed  rather  like  one  under  the  influence  of 
temporary  derangement  or  intoxication,  than 
the   deliberate   bearer   of  great   tidings.     Hi* 


328  THE  RESTORATION. 

character  was,  however,  known  as  a  gentleman 
of  fideUty  and  firmness,  and  they  heard  with 
wonder  that  London  was  blazing  with  bonfires, 
that  the  universal  wish  of  the  people  of  all  sorts, 
boldly  and  freely  expressed,  demanded  the 
restoration  of  the  'King  to  his  authority,  and 
that  Monk  had  insisted  upon  the  summoning 
of  a  free  Parliament,  which  the  junto  had  no 
longer  the  power  of  oj^posing.  He  produced 
also  a  copy  of  Monk's  letter  to  the  Parliament, 
to  show  that  the  General  had  completely 
broken  with  that  body. 

Other  messengers  soon  confirmed  the  joyful 
tidings,  and  Sir  John  Grenville  was  despatched 
to  London  in  all  haste,  with  full  powers  to  offer 
the  General  every  thing  which  could  gratify 
ambition  or  love  of  wealth,  on  condition  of  his 
proving  the  friend  of  Charles  at  this  crisis. 

This  faithful  and  active  Royalist  reached  the 
metropolis,  and  cautiously  refusing  to  open  his 
commission  to  any  one,  obtained  a  private 
interview  with  ithc  mysterious  and  reserved 
General.  He  boldly  communicated  his  creden- 
tials, and  remained  unappalled,  when  Monk, 
stepping  back  in  surprise,  asked  him,  with 
some  emotion,  how  he  dared  become  the  bearer 
of  such  proposals,  Sir  John  replied  boldly,  that 
all  danger  Vv-^hich  miglit  be  incurred  in  obedi- 
ence to  his  Sovereign's  command  had  become 
familiar  to  him  from  frequent  practice,  and  that 
the  King,  from  the  course  which  Monk  had 
hitherto  pursued,  entertained  the  most  confi- 
dent hoj)es  of  his  loyal  service. 

On  this  General  Monk  cither  laid  aside  the 


THE    RLSTOIiATION.  329 


mask  which  he  had  always  worn,  or  formed  a 
determination  upon  what  had  hitherto  been  un- 
decided in  his  own  mind.  He  accepted  of  the 
high  oflers  tendered  to  him  by  the  young- 
Prince  ;  and,  from  that  moment,  if  not  earher, 
made  the  interest  of  Charles  tlie  principal  ob- 
ject of  his  thoughts.  It  has  been  indeed  stated, 
that  he  had  expressed  his  ultimate  purpose  of 
serving  Charles,  before  leaving  Scotland  ;  but 
whatever  may  have  been  his  secret  intentions, 
it  seems  improbable  that  he  made  any  one  his 
confidant. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  new  Parliament,  the 
House  of  Peers,  which  regained  under  this 
new  aspect  of  things  the  privileges  which 
Cromwell  had  suspended,  again  assumed  their 
rank  as  a  branch  of  the  legislature.  As  the 
Royalists  and  Presbyterians  concurred  in  the 
same  purpose  of  restoring  the  King,  and  pos- 
sessed the  most  triumphant  majority,  if  not  the 
whole  votes,  in  the  new  House  of  Commons, 
the  Parliament  had  only  to  be  informed  that 
Grenville  awaited  without,  bearing  letters  from 
King  Charles,  v/hen  he  was  welcomed  into  the 
House  with  shouts  and  rejoicings ;  and  the 
British  constitution,  by  King,  Lords,  and  Com- 
mons, after  having  been  suspended  for  twenty 
years,  was  restored  at  once  and  by  acclamation. 

Charles  Stewart,  instead  of  being  a  banished 
pretender,  whose  name  it  was  dangerous  to 
pronounce,  and  whose  cause  it  was  death  to 
espouse,  became  at  once  a  lawful,  beloved,  al- 
most adored  prince,  whose  absence  vras  mourn- 
ed by  the  people,  as  they  might  have  bemoan- 
28* 


330  THE   RESTORATION. 

e J  thctt  of  the  sun  itself ;  and  numbers  of  the 
great  or  ambitious  hurried  to  Holland,  where 
Charles  now  was,  some  to  plead  former  ser- 
vices, some  to  excuse  ancient  delinquencies, 
some  to  allege  the  merit  of  having  staked  their 
lives  in  the  King's  cause,  others  to  enrich  the 
Monarch,  by  sharing  with  him  the  spoils  which 
they  had  gained  by  fighting  against  him. 

It  has  been  said  by  historians,  that  this  pre- 
cipitate and  general  haste  in  restoring  Charles 
to  the  throne,  witlrout  any  conditions  for  the 
future,  was  throwing  away  all  the  advantage 
which  the  nation  might  have  derived  from  the 
Civil  Wars,  and  tliat  it  would  have  been  much 
better  to  have  readmitted  the  King  upon  a  so- 
lemn treaty,  which  should  have  adjusted  the 
prerogative  of  the  Crown,  and  the  rights  of  the 
subject,  and  settled  for  ever  those  great  nation- 
al questions  whicli  had  been  disputed  between 
Charles  the  first  and  his  Parliament. 

This  sounds  all  well  in  theory ;  but  in  practice 
there  are  many  things,  and  perhaps  the  Resto- 
ration is  one  of  them,  which  may  be  executed 
easily  and  safely,  if  the  work  is  commenced 
and  carried  through  in  the  enthusiasm  of  a  fa- 
vourable moment,  but  are  likely  enough  to 
miscarry,  if  jirotracted  beyond  that  happy  con- 
juncture. 

The  ardour  in  favour  of  monarchy,  with 
which  the  mass  of  the  English  nation  was  at 
this  time  agitated,  might  probably  have  abated 
during  such  a  lengthened  treaty,  providing  for 
all  tlie  (Irlicate  qncslions  resjirrting  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Church  and  Slate,  and  involving 


^ 


THE  RESTORATION.  331 

necessarily  a  renewal  of  all  the  discussions 
whiich  had  occasioned  the  Civil  War.  And 
supposing  that  the  old  discord  was  not  re- 
kindled by  raking  among  its  ashes,  still  it  should 
be  remembered  that  great  part  of  Cromwell's 
army  were  not  yet  dissolved,  and  that  even 
Monk's  troops  were  not  altogether  to  be  con- 
fided in.  So  that  the  least  appearance  of  dis- 
union, such  as  the  discussions  of  the  proposed 
treaty  were  certain  to  give  rise  to,  might  have 
afforded  these  warlike  enthusiasts  a  pretext  for 
again  assembling  together,  and  reinstating  the 
military  despotism,  which  they  were  pleased  to 
term  the  Reign  of  the  Saints. 

A  circumstance  occurred  which  showed  how 
very  pressing  this  danger  was,  and  how  little 
wisdom  there  would  have  been  in  postponing 
the  restoration  of  a  legal  government  to  the 
event  of  a  treaty.  Lambert,  who  had  been  lodg- 
ed in  the  Tower  as  a  dangerous  person,  made 
his  escape  from  that  state  prison,  fled  to  Daven- 
try,  and  began  to  assemble  forces. 

The  activity  of  Colonel  Ingoldsby,  who  had 
been,  like  Lambert,  himself  an  officer  under 
Cromwell,  but  was  now  firmly  attached  to 
Monk,  stifled  a  spark  which  might  have  raised 
a  mighty  conflagration.  He  succeeded  in  gain- 
ing over  and  dispersing  the  troops  who  had  as- 
sembled under  Lambert,  and  making  his  former 
commander  prisoner  with  his  own  hand,  brought 
him  back  in  safety  to  his  old  quarters  in  the 
Tower  of  London.  But  as  the  roads  were  filled 
with  soldiers  of  the  old  CromwelUan  army,  has- 
tening to  join  Lambert,  it  was  clear  that  only 


332  THE  RESTORATION. 

the  immediate  suppression  of  his  force,  and  the 
capture  of  his  person,  prevented  the  renew^al 
of  general  hostilities. 

In  so  delicate  a  state  of  affairs,  it  was  of  im- 
portance that  the  Restoration,  being  the  mea- 
sure to  which  all  wise  men  looked  as  the  only- 
radical  cure  for  the  distresses  and  disorders  of 
the  kingdom,  should  be  executed  hastily,  leav- 
ing it  in  future  to  the  mutual  prudence  of  the 
King  and  his  subjects  to  avoid  the  renewal  of 
those  points  of  quarrel  which  had  given  rise  to 
the  Civil  War  of  1641  ;  since  which  time,  both 
Royalists  and  Parliamentarians  had  suffered 
such  extreme  misery  as  was  likely  to  make 
them  very  cautious  how  the  one  made  unjust 
attempts  to  extend  the  power  of  the  Crown,  or 
the  other  to  resist  it  while  within  its  constitu- 
tional limits. 

The  King  landed  at  Dover  on  29th  May, 
1660,  and  wa,s  received  by  General  Monk,  now 
gratified  and  honoured  with  the  dukedom  of 
Albemarle,  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  and  the 
command  of  the  army.  With  the  King  came 
his  two  brothers,  James  Duke  of  York,  of  Avhom 
we  shall  have  much  to  say,  and  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  who  died  early.  They  were  re- 
ceived with  such  extravagant  shouts  of  wel- 
come, that  the  King  said  to  tliose  around  him, 
"  It  must  surely  have  been  our  own  fault,  that 
we  have  been  so  long  absent  from  a  country 
where  every  one  seems  so  glad  to  see  us." 

END  OF  VOL.  I. 


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